On November 21, 1965, the Israeli newspaper Davar announced that the nuclear centre at Dimona could produce an atom bomb a year. This report evoked enthusiastic response from certain sections of the Israeli public. At about the same time Israeli movie theatres were running a screen version of Zweig's Chess Novel.
We ought not to hurry to the conclusion that here are two entirely unrelated facts.
Andrzei Zeromski, author of Na zachód od Jordanu (West of the Jordan), who had visited Israel, wrote: "The Royal Game is a screen version of Zweig's Chess Novel which relates the story of a professor arrested by the Gestapo. The Hitlerites decide not to subject him to physical torture, but to break his will by psychological methods. For this purpose they completely isolate him from the outside world. There is a scene in the film where the professor, already on the verge of insanity, smashes the furniture in the hotel housing the Gestapo.
"Until that moment the audience were clearly bored and loudly voiced their dissatisfaction. But never, even at the best comedies, have I heard such laughter as accompanied the scene of the professor's madness. The audience roared, stamped their feet and howled. It should be noted that this took place approximately a week before the resumption of the Eichmann trial. In such cases neither orders nor bans are of any help, for it is impossible to order people to understand or to feel." 
Here is another testimony, in the form of a document entitled Confession of a Zionist, written in 1914 by one of the numerous hard cases of Zionist fanaticism: "Oh, how I would have liked to fill them [the opponents of Zionism—Y.I.] with that venom of destruction which alone fills our insides," wrote a German student from Halle to one of his ilk in Russia. "How I would have liked to pollute them with the stench of our corrupted and putrefying souls. Our enemies . . . have emptied our souls, but there is too much smouldering malice and hatred in us. Can it be that this vast potential energy will find no application? Can it be that the great Messiah who would ignite the latent fiery energy with the hell of devastation and hatred will not arrive?" 
When the State of Israel was formed, the Zionist leaders who came to power there were very much in need of two categories of Israelis to consolidate their ramified apparatus of coercion: the first, fanatics like the student in Halle and the second, dolts capable of laughing at the sight of human suffering. Consequently, the reaction to such apparently disconnected facts as the announcement about the potential possibilities of the atomic enterprise in Dimona and the film based on Zweig's novel, serve as an indicator of the success of the Zionists' "educational" activity.
Here is a document of a very different kind.
"Nuclear arms will not bring us added security, but the intensification of tension. . . .
"The State of Israel is the one most interested in averting an atomic arms race in our area. . . .
"This problem has another aspect, too.
"The West German ruling circles let it be known at the time that they also have a hand in financing nuclear research in Israel. This revelation, too, is disquieting.
"These very days, the rulers of West Germany and her generals—a great many of whom are unrepentant Nazis—are trying hard to obtain atomic weapons. West German scientists in the service of the Bonn government are using every opportunity, outside West Germany, too, in order to advance in this field. . . ."  This statement was made in the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, on December 8, 1965, by the Communist Member Meir Vilner, on behalf of the thousands of ordinary Israelis who support the Communist Party of Israel.
On behalf of the Communist members he moved the following resolution:
"1) Cessation of the military orientation in the work of the Dimona nuclear reactor;
"2) Support for the signing of an international convention for the nuclear disarmament of the Middle East;
"3) Severance of all ties with West Germany in the field of nuclear research;
"4) Expression of strong protest against equipping West Germany with atomic weapons in any shape or form." 
The Knesset rejected the resolution by a majority vote. It would have met with a totally different response from, say, the participants in the forum of anti-nazi organisations of Israel, who declared in the same year of 1965: ". . .We are shocked by this act which is an insult to the memory of those who perished at the hands of the nazi killers. The establishment of diplomatic ties with the FRG is mockery of the feelings of those who survived. Our wounds are still bleeding. Our wounds have not yet healed."
All these problems—involving worries, needs and emotional sufferings—of their compatriots leave the Zionist leaders unperturbed. "We need here [in Israel—Y.I.]," declared the prominent Israeli Zionist Jaacov Hazan, at the 23rd International Zionist Congress, "neither Robby Silver, nor Dr. Neiman, nor Rose Halprin. We need their children and grandchildren."
In other words, a nation was needed which would be blindly obedient to the Zionist centre in New York and its Jerusalem branch.
* * *
Are we justified in speaking of an Israeli nation today? To a certain degree, yes. It is in the process of formation, a process which has a long way to go to be completed. The Zionist leaders in power are endeavouring to influence this process by manipulating various economic and political levers. At times their experiments produce unexpected results. "Dr. Emmanuel Newman, a US Zionist leader," writes Zeromski, "regretted the contempt which young Israelis have for the Jews. Young Israelis visiting the USA avoid meeting local Jewish youth and display utter disregard for them. Even Herut, the newspaper of a party of the same name, which usually goes into raptures over the 'magnificent' Sabras,'* in this instance shared Dr. Newman's indignation and regretfully conceded that the Sabras look down their noses on non-Israeli Jews and point to the distinction between the concept 'Israeli' and the concept 'Jew.' . . ." 
(* Sabra—a native-born Palestinian or Israeli Jew.)
We can probably agree with the author of Israel: Years of Challenge, who asserts that the "Jewish people in Israel is still more potentially than actually a nation. Post-state immigrants have not yet merged wholly into the new nationhood, its economy, its . . . culture," and then adds: "Communities far apart in language and history, in culture and economy, are being made into one uniform nation. . . ." 
The author of these revealing remarks—which make the Zionist claims about the existence of a "world Jewish nation" look more pathetic than ever—is none other than Ben-Gurion.
We all know that a common mentality is an essential attribute of a nation, and the Zionist leaders attach primary importance to moulding an Israeli mentality. All school curricula are designed to cultivate the idea that the Jews are a chosen people and to spread manifestly racialist views. At the same time the vicious train of ideas originating in the Bible and propagated by the Zionists for the purpose of leaving a practically indelible mark on the mentality of the rising generation leads up, as a rule, to friendship with the neo-nazis in West Germany.
"During their eight-year compulsory schooling the Israeli children have to devote 1,500 academic hours to the study of the Tanach, Mishnah and the Talmud," writes Zeromski, "and only . . . 20 hours to the study of the geography of foreign countries. It is worth noting that until just recently the geography book presented Germany within the 1937 frontiers, and its authors, Khitov and Ami, sympathised with the Germans who, in keeping with the Potsdam Agreement, were moved from the lands east of the Oder-Neisse line."
What could be more harmless than a visit to the zoo? Yet, it appears that all depends on the time and the place. . . . For example, the zoo in the Israeli sector of Jerusalem displays only those animals which had the honour of being mentioned in the Bible. Apart from the name of the animal, there is a notice bearing a pertinent Biblical quotation on each cage. You are expected to remember and learn as you walk around.
Everywhere in Israel you will see a quotation from the Bible which reads: "This land do I give to them, even to the children of Israel . . ." and each pupil who is taught the Bible from the age of six knows that this land extends "from the river of Egypt unto the great river, the river Euphrates." Here we have both the idea of "greater Israel" and a justification of present and future seizures of Arab territories.
In an address delivered to Israeli Army representatives on October 28, 1958, Knesset Member and Zionist leader Menachem Begin said: "You Israelis must have no compunction when you kill your enemy. You must not sympathise with him until we have destroyed the so-called Arab culture, on whose ruins we shall build our civilisation." 
Ex-Prime Minister of Israel Ben-Gurion impressed the following idea on the students: "The map [of Israel—Y.I.] is not the map of our country. We have another map which you students and youngsters in Jewish schools must translate into reality. The Israeli nation must expand its territory from the Euphrates to the Nile." 
"Turning our eyes to the north," wrote Menachem Begin, "we see the fertile lowlands of Syria and the Lebanon. . . to the east the wide rich valleys of the Euphrates and the Tigris. . . and the oil of Iraq, to the west the land of the Egyptians. We shall be unable to develop until we have regulated our territorial problems from positions of strength. We shall force the Arabs into absolute submission." 
Designed to shape the mentality of the future aggressors, sermons in which biblical veils serve the sole purpose of shrouding bared fangs are enough to compile an encyclopaedia running into many volumes.
Here is another example. "Palestine must belong to the Jews," declared Vladimir Jabotinsky. "The use of appropriate methods for the creation of a national Jewish state will be a permanent and always current element of our policy. The Arabs already know what we must do with them and what we are demanding of them. It is essential to create a 'post-factum' situation and explain to the Arabs that they must get off our territory and go into the desert."
Shortly after the formation of the State of Israel a family which included a boy of ten arrived there from Poland. Five years later the youngster said the following in a conversation with a correspondent of the Israeli newspaper Od Nowa: "When an Arab sees a rifle he immediately turns tail. Were it not for the UN, the Suez Canal would have been ours a long time ago. We would have killed them all. But we shall do it yet." 
A striking illustration how the Zionists corrupt young minds by impregnating them with the poison of rabid chauvinism.
At this juncture, it is appropriate to recall the tenet of the Zionist "classic" Nahum Sokolow: ". . .The Jews are doubtless the purest race among civilised nations. . . ." Ironically enough such ideas are injected into the minds of young Israelis, for whom Israel is their homeland whatever the circumstances of their parents' arrival there, from racialist and caste positions in keeping with which each member of the Israeli Jewish community is designated a concrete place in it. "Nowhere in the world is there such a division of people as in Israel—horizontally, vertically, diagonally, in squares and circles. To simplify the issue it is said that the division follows an ethnic pattern,"  wrote Zeromski, quoting one of his interlocutors.
Taking up this question in Israel: Group Relations in a New Society English historian Alex Weingrod wrote: "The ranking of ethnic groups is one cardinal source of frustrations; that is, the prestige attached to ethnic-group membership provokes disaffection on the parts of the lower-ranking groups. . . . The major prestige criterion is the similarity between the immigrants and the veteran European settlers. The closer the conformity, the higher the rank. Europeans, or to use the more common designation, Ashkenazim, are ranked higher than Middle Easterners, or Sephardim. To come from Poland or Britain is, ipso facto, to be more prestigious than to have one's origins in Egypt or Iraq. The rift is fundamental, and it runs throughout the society. There are, of course, gradations within each category. Yemenites, for example, seem to be ranked higher than Moroccans." 
Describing the inter-caste tension in the Israeli Jewish community, Weingrod notes: "The most explosive case of communal antagonism took place in 1959, when rioting broke out in several cities. The demonstrators were mainly North Africans: the street mobs—those who smashed store windows in Haifa and Beersheba—were verbally protesting against police brutally and their own bleak residential conditions. But mainly they were disappointed and frustrated by their low position, and angry and resentful against the society that neither sympathised with nor understood them." 
Former Prime Minister of Israel Levi Eshkol was capable of spending hours panegyrising the "world Jewish nation"—when he was abroad, that is. On returning to Canaan he would modestly concede that the eradication of racial and national contradictions and distinctions was "a long process and a matter of generations." 
On April 17, 1967 the U.S. News and World Report carried an article which contained the following: "A recession has hit nearly every segment of the economy [in Israel—Y.I.] throwing 7 to 10 per cent of the labour force out of work.
"At the same time, serious social problems are growing out of rifts within the Jewish community [emphasis added—Y.I.]. . . . Government experts say many of today's unemployed are Sephardim—so-called 'Oriental' Jews, mostly from North Africa and the Middle East—who blame the Ashkenazim, Jews of European ancestry, for their plight." 
"In Jerusalem," wrote A. Zeromski, "I met an interesting man, getting on in years, very knowledgeable and cultured. Strolling through one of Jerusalem's new districts we saw a man of about thirty. . . who was sitting on the pavement drinking arak straight from the bottle. . . .
"Take a good look at him. He is either from Morocco or Tunisia. There he drank his arak, that favourite drink of Arabs, and he drinks it here. He is a recent arrival and still cannot get rid of the habits cultivated over the centuries and handed down from generation to generation. I read Swiat and Polityka, while he drinks arak in the street. We are both Jews, but what unites us? Nothing. And what divides us? Everything. We don't even talk the same language. . . . Between our children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren these distinctions will disappear. It will be they who will make up the new society, already an integral, no longer Jewish [emphasis added—Y.I.], but an Israeli society." 
At this point it will be appropriate to quote the words of Nahum Goldmann, one of the architects of the present system in Israel. "The Jewish people are a unique historical phenomenon. They are simultaneously a nation, a religious entity, a race and bearer of a specific civilisation. Not a single non-Jewish concept of nation and religion can clearly define that unique historical phenomenon—the Jewish people. . . we are a world nation firmly bound up with Israel and are the most inexplicable society in human history. . . ."
The time has passed when the international solidarity of Jewish dealers and the moneybag ideologists in their employ Was easily portrayed as a vital function of the "inexplicable" "mysterious" "world Jewish nation." Life in present-day Israel, the intense struggle of the Israeli working people makes null and void this shrewd stratagem so essential for the Zionist leaders and their patrons. A hundred thousand unemployed on the eve of the Israeli militarists' June aggression stood for 100,000 underfed families out of a total population of 2,600,000. This surely speaks for itself.
The caste system in Israel is a Zionist instrument for dividing the Israeli working people by which the ruling class ensures itself freedom of manoeuvre and effective control and the opportunity to incite and fan racialism spearheaded against the Arabs, a means of toning down class conflicts in the Jewish community and securing at least a temporary alliance of all those who in one way or another seek to gain from the persecution of the Arab minority.
Arab minority. . . . Let us not mention the time when there were not more than 5,000 Jews in the whole of Palestine, but take the period of the formation of the State of Israel.
In keeping with the UN decision of November 1947, the State of Israel was set up on a territory of 14,000 square kilometres with a population (plus or minus 5,000) of 1,100,000 of whom 600,000 were Jews and 500,000 Arabs. 
As a result of the 1948 war Israel annexed 6,000 square kilometres of Arab Palestine with a population of approximately 400,000.
At the beginning of 1949, according to Israeli data, not more than 160,000 Arabs remained on the territory of more than 20,000 square kilometres controlled by Israel.
Under what circumstances and whither did more than 700,000 Arabs disappear?  What became of their immovables? Who uses them? Who owns their land now? How many of them were shot as a lesson to others refusing to leave their homes? How many died from disease, hunger, or through not having a roof over their heads?
Let us cite the few facts available from Israeli sources:
The majority of the Arabs were forcibly expelled in the war of 1948 and their villages were destroyed.
On 5.11.1948 the inhabitants of the village of Iqrit in Western Galilee were expelled by force.
On 15.11.1948 the village of Kfar Bira'am was evacuated by force.
On 4.2.1949 the inhabitants of the village of Kfar A'nan were evacuated, most of them expelled across the border. The village was demolished by the army.
On 28.2.1949, 700 Arab refugees were evacuated from the village of Kfar-Yasif (who settled there after being driven out of their own villages). All were expelled across the border.
On 24.1.1950 the army evacuated by force the inhabitants of Ghabsiya village who were expelled across the border.
On 17.8.1950 the inhabitants of the Arab town of Majdal Ashkelon (about 2,000) were expelled from the country.
Early in February 1951 inhabitants of 13 small Arab villages in Wadi-A'ara were expelled outside the country.
On 17.11.1951 the village of AI- Bowieshat was demolished by the army and its inhabitants expelled across the border.
In September 1953 the inhabitants of the village of Um-El-Faraj were expelled and the village demolished.
On 29.10.1956 men, women and children in the village of Kfar Kassim were massacred. 
The world knows only a fraction of the tragedy of the Arab refugees (the above facts are only a cross-section of that fraction). But with time all details will come to light.
On New Year's Eve 1968, a prominent Arab intellectual, one of the 300,000 Arabs currently living in Israel, showed to a group of acquaintances a document which was issued to him by Israeli officials on the basis of the Defence Regulations introduced by the British authorities in 1945. Without this document he had no right to travel to his place of employment situated 30 kilometres away from his home. The permit indicated the time of arrival in the closed territory and the length of stop-over there, the names of accompanying persons and the numbers of their identity cards. The bearers of the permit were allowed to travel by road only and to stop at places and for the time indicated in the permit. Persons with such permits were forbidden to do anything that was not shown under the Purpose of Trip heading. They were not allowed to change whereabouts without the permission of the officer in charge, and so on.
Whoever has seen the permit issued to Africans by the "white" administration in the Republic of South Africa, will immediately note the striking similarity between the two.
This kind of permit was issued to people allowed to travel from one closed zone to another. Why these "closed zones"? Because of secret military installations? Nothing of the kind. Since the establishment of Israel her ruling circles proclaimed all territories inhabited by the Arabs "closed zones." The military and police regulations enforced there are reminiscent of the regime established for the "inferior races" on the territories once occupied by nazi Germany.
It will be remembered that the (emergency) Defence Regulations, a law under which in 1968 the Arabs were issued permits with 17 obligatory conditions, and under which any Arab in Israel can be subjected to house or any other form of arrest for an indefinite period, was introduced by the British colonial authorities in Palestine in 1945. On seeing the controlling block of shares of the Zionist corporation far the "development" of Palestine disappearing across the ocean, Britain extended these harsh regulations not only to the Arabs and the progressive Jewish settlers, but also to Zionists who openly supported US capital. Let us also recall how Zionist leaders described these very regulations at the time when they were directed against them.
Israeli Minister of Justice Ja'acov Shapiro, who later turned the Regulations of the British colonial authorities into a norm of life and behavior for the Arab population, characterised them in the following terms an February 7,1946: "The regime which came about with the introduction of the Defence Regulations in Palestine has no similarity in any civilised country. Even in Nazi Germany there were no such laws, and the actions of Maidanek and the like were even against the written law. Only one form of regime is similar to these circumstances—it is the status of an occupied country. However they try to calm us that these Regulations are intended only against the law-breakers and not against the citizens in general, but also the Nazi ruler of occupied Oslo declared that nothing bad will happen to a citizen who will follow his ordinary business only. We have to declare before the whole world: The Defence Regulations of the Palestine Government are destroying the foundations of law and justice in the country." 
At the end of 1962 Israel signed an international convention condemning discrimination in public education.
However; as the bulletin of the Communist Party of Israel on the situation of the Arabs in Israel says, the Arabs (11.5 per cent of the Israeli population) account for not more than 2.9 per cent of the secondary school pupils (1965-1966). Only 300 Arab students are enrolled at the country's institutions of higher learning, i.e., 1.5 per cent of the total student body in Israel. 
"There is not a single agricultural school far young Arabs," writes Zeramski, "and that despite the fact that the majority of the Arabs live and work in the villages. School premises are in a deplorable condition. Owing to a shortage of classrooms, studies are often conducted in the open. Arab schools rarely have desks and the children have to sit an the ground during lessons." 
On the land problem, the Communist Party of Israel has this to say: "The confiscation of land from the Arab peasants is one of the clearest examples of the Government's anti-Arab policy, discrimination, and oppression of the Arabs. The Zionists' well-tried practice of securing plats of land far Jewish settlers still continues, except that now it is defended by the Government under the pretext of 'security requirements,' 'development' and 'the defence of state property.' . . . The appropriation of millions of dunums of land belonging to Arab refugees driven from the country was not enough: now the land of the Arab peasants who managed to' remain in Israel has became the abject of an uninterrupted process of appropriations and confiscations.
"Since the establishment of the State, the government . . . took various measures including the enactment of many laws—sometimes gross ones and sometimes subtle ones—to deprive Israeli Arabs of their lands. Over one million dunums (a dunum is 1/4 of an acre) have already been confiscated one way or another from Arabs living in Israel." 
. . . At midday on January 31, 1966, mobs of fascist-minded hoodlums in Natanya brutally beat up all the Arabs who were in the streets at the time. Those concerned spread the usual rumour, which naturally was never confirmed, that the "Arabs had killed a Jew." These outrages, instigated in cold blood, continued for a long time; the police was in no hurry to interfere.
In response to the violence done to many of their comrades, Arab workers from the neighbouring villages staged a demonstration and then went on strike. The authorities promptly qualified the actions of the Arab workers as a mutiny "provoked by Arab nationalists."
Exposing this lie, the Arab Communist Member Emile Habibi declared in a speech in the Knesset: "The inhabitants of Taiyiba and Kalansav were protesting against the Government's policy of discrimination, which inevitably leads to such results (outrages against the Arab population). The workers of Taiyiba and Kalansav, as indeed the workers living in other villages, are well known for their truly proletarian education. Their Jewish fellow-workers know them, work with them and struggle together with them against the same exploiters. When the municipal workers went on strike in Ramat-Gan last year, the municipality tried to find black-legs among the Arab workers, but was unable to find a single Arab worker willing to steal bread from his comrade, the Jewish worker.
"Last Monday, as we all know, the workers of the Bay of Haifa, Jewish and Arab together in the spirit of brotherhood and solidarity, declared a strike in protest against the rising cost of living, demanding a wage increase.
"We have complete faith in the Jewish working class of Israel, and trust in their proletarian ethics. . . ." 
Defending the honour and dignity of the Jewish working people, Emile Habibi emphasised that "the hoodlums who committed the outrages in Natanya can on no account be said to represent the Jewish people of Israel." 
In May 1965, in a conversation with the mayor of the Israeli sector of Jerusalem I deliberately asked him whether there were many sweethearts in the city.
He seemed to like the question. "Oh, yes," he replied. "Probably more than anywhere else in the world."
But he was at a loss when I asked him whether as mayor he could tell me how many mixed marriages were registered in the city over the past year. (Love does not discriminate between Jew and Arab.) It would have been easier to find this out from the registration offices on Cyprus which are frequently approached by Israelis unable to make their marriage legal in their own country.
There are very few mixed marriages in Israel, but the number is steadily increasing in defiance of the official policy of the ruling circles who are concerned with the "problem of racial purity." This process, naturally, does not affect the privileged classes and is rooted in the working people; the example is set by progressive sections of the Israeli population which are devoid of racial prejudices.
In this connection the views of Zeromski's interlocutor about the future of the Israeli nation in the conversation we quoted earlier are somewhat incomplete (making allowance for the affected tone of superiority). in our opinion the Israeli nation when fully formed would be a natural amalgam of the communities and peoples of modern Israel.
* * *
The main purpose of the Israeli version of apartheid is to help the Zionists practise the old policy of the ruling class of colonial England. Are there any other reasons for the establishment of apartheid in Israel?
Yes, there are. And they are particularly manifest when the problem of the role and place of the State of Israel in the system of international Zionism is studied in its entirety.
To this day the World Zionist Organisation (WZO) remains Zionism's chief organisational and ideological centre. Founded in 1897, with headquarters in the USA, it is patterned along racial lines and possesses financial funds equal to those of the world's biggest monopoly associations. The WZO controls and directs the work of Zionist concerns in more than 60 countries, and its directives determine the activities of the World Jewish Congress (which is, in effect, its branch) in 67 countries. These two major Zionist organisations have numerous affiliated societies, clubs, provisional or permanent committees, unions and associations.
Nominally, the World Zionist Congress, whose delegates are appointed, is the highest organ of the World Zionist Organisation. The Congress elects the World Zionist Council made up of representatives of all Zionist organisations and parties functioning in different countries. The World Zionist Council elects the World Zionist Executive Committee with headquarters in New York and Jerusalem. The Committee has 12 departments each directing a specific field of the WZO's activity (from intelligence to "cultural and religious education in the Diaspora").
The Executive Committee of the World Zionist Organisation is, in fact, an executor of the will of a small group re-presenting the interests of some of the largest US monopolists most of whom are of Jewish origin.
If need be this group can justify their diktat to the WZO by mentioning an impressive number of members of US Zionist organisations which is approaching the total number of Jews in Israel, i.e., the existence of a large "army" of US Zionists who have never shown any inclination to move to the Middle East. The numerous US Zionist organisations prepared to applaud the Israeli ruling circles and finance their ventures include the B'nai B'rith Organisation with a membership of 500,000, the American Jewish Congress with 300,000 members, the Zionist Organisation of America with 100,000 members, and the Hadassah-Women's Zionist Organisation of America with 300,000 members.
But the real power of WZO leaders is determined not by the number of American Zionists, but by the cheque books of the US and affiliated West German, South African and other multi-millionaires.
As befitting a solid international concern, the WZO is one of the biggest owners of property in the capitalist world. Let us take a brief look at what it owns in Israel alone: 86 per cent of ,the leased agricultural land; "trusteeship" of more than 480 agricultural settlements in Israel and, in 1963, sole or joint ownership of 60 of the country's enterprises. It owns the Rural and Suburban Settlement Company Ltd. (Rassco), one of the biggest building companies in Israel, is a share-holder in Mekorot, a leading company engaged in promoting hydroworks, El Al Israel Airlines Ltd., operating international services, ZIM, the Israel Navigation Co. Ltd., the country's biggest, and so forth.
It is also necessary to say a few words about the main sources of foreign capital flowing into Israel (for 1948–1959): the USA (loans by the Export-Import Bank of Washington; assistance with agricultural surplus products)—$557,300,000, or 16.5 per cent; Jewish (i.e., Zionist—Y.I.) funds, mainly from the USA—$848,700,000, or 25 per cent; State bonds marketed chiefly in the USA—$334,600,000, or 10 per cent; loans from foreign banks and private capital, mainly from the USA and France—$770,100,000, or 22.7 per cent; West Germany (financing of the state or private persons in the form of compensation)—$725,300,000, or 21.4 per cent, and so forth, to the total sum of $3,386 million. If we take as a basis the first half of 1960 when the value of the immovables owned by expelled Arabs amounted to $560 million, the aggregate capital for the 12 years under review amounted to $4,100 million, or $340 million a year, or about $1,000,000 a day. 
This daily financial injection of the Israeli economy was maintained at the same exceedingly high level right up to the beginning of the Israeli aggression in June 1967, when it rose sharply. It should also be noted that by 1967, 200 US companies were functioning in Israel.
Considering that Israel has a population of 2,600,000, that the country's territory within the illegal 1948 frontiers is slightly over 20,000 square kilometres, and that there are 163 relatively large business concerns, the above data clearly indicates that Israel's economy is in effect controlled by the international Zionist corporation, and through it by US, West German and other (non-Zionist) monopolies.
In the light of the foregoing it is but natural that international Zionism, international imperialism's most consistent ally, should view Israel not only as its offspring but also as its property.
This stand of the Zionist leaders can be considered logical and as designating Israel's place in the system of Zionism only if we accept as Israel her ruling circles, which were always a part of and submissive to the will of the Zionist corporation, if we accept as Israel her state and administrative apparatus and military machinery built up stage by stage in keeping with international Zionism's long-term targets. It is this Israel, the Israel of militarists, political gamblers and bigots, which, in accordance with the will of the real rulers of the international Zionist concern (not its administrators or travelling salesmen of the Goldmann variety), is to fulfil at the present stage three basic tasks that are to determine its role in the system of international Zionism:
to transform the State into a marauding beast of prey capable of using violence to control or effectively determine the course of developments in the Middle East (whose vital importance for imperialism cannot be overestimated);*
to further consolidate Israel as a centre of political and ideological influence and, if possible, of control over millions of Jews living in different countries;
to strengthen Israel's positions as an instrument of imperialism's economic and political penetration (under the Israeli flag) of the developing countries of Africa and Asia (and some other countries).
(* Investments by US corporations in Middle East oil and their profits:
Rate of profit on invested capital (per cent)
"These are average figures for the whole area," wrote S. Astakhov in an article entitled "More about the Secret Springs of Israeli Aggression" (International Affairs, No. 10, Moscow, September 1967), "but it should be emphasised that in Kuwait, for instance, the average annual profit of the oil monopolies comes to 500 per cent of capital investments. According to data in the Western press, US monopolies have been earning $1,200 million and British monopolies $600 million a year on Arab oil.")
Events in the Middle East and in Israel herself over the past twenty years show how zealously the Israeli ruling circles are endeavouring to fulfil these tasks.
The $8,000 million, which, as officials announced, Israel received in the first two decades of her existence  (a sum far greater than that received by any other country "patronised" by the "Free World" leaders) indicates that imperialism has embarked upon a serious and dangerous adventure in the Middle East. Another $9,000 million to be paid out in the period from 1967 to 1975 prove that this adventure will be just as serious and purposeful in the future.
Twenty per cent of the total Israeli budget for 1966/67 was earmarked for settling various financial obligations and paying interest on loans  (and about 40 per cent went to cover direct or indirect military expenses). Therefore, whatever the speed-up system imposed by the Israeli leadership on urban and rural workers and agricultural co-operators dependent on Zionist banks, the many years of hard work put in by the working people will not be enough to redeem even a part of the promissory notes issued by the Israeli ruling class to its imperialist partners. And realising this, realising it better than many Israelis, the Israeli ruling class makes no secret of the fact that it intends to cover its debts by rendering specific services to its creditors.
In January 1968, at the height of Israeli outrages on the Arab territories occupied in the course of the treacherous June aggression, Levi Eshkol, former Israeli Premier, told President Johnson: "A strong Israel presents the US with its only hope of preventing a further increasing Soviet weight in the Middle East." 
In its forecast for 1968–1969 the newspaper Haarets wrote: "Israeli circles: a fresh round with the Arabs is possible in the near future."
This is the change offered by the Israeli militarists, the practical guarantee of their "good intentions," their attempts to fulfil one of their three basic tasks.
Millions of Israeli pounds (and that in conditions of unemployment) are lavishly expended by the Israeli authorities on the propaganda of the idea of a "world Jewish nation," on sermons summoning the Jews to rally around Israel and give all-round support to the actions and military gambles of the Israeli ruling circles. And since imperialism is vitally interested in the activity of the Israeli propagandists, a large part of the billions of dollars flowing into the "promised land" finds its way into the latters' pockets.
The Israeli version of apartheid (Ashkenazim-Sephardim-"goy"*-Arab) plus an elaborate system of brutal racial discrimination against the Arabs serve the same purpose. They are a component part of the policy pursued by the Zionist elite of the World Zionist Organisation and Israel in the formation of a so-called centre of influence—a "Jewish centre" (and not the State of Israel inhabited by Israelis).
The Zionists are doing their best to hinder the natural process of the formation of the Israeli nation. They obviously have no need for a consolidated Israeli nation which already now, at the very outset of its formation, is showing signs of indifference to Zionism, as well as to Germans, Englishmen, Russians or Italians of Jewish origin.
"Since not a single person who could express the views of the new generation has been invited to this Congress [26th Zionist Congress in Jerusalem—Y.I.]," declared Uri Avneri, editor of one of the most popular magazines in Israel, "I shall do it myself. . . . The Congress you have organised here is an alien and obnoxious phenomenon for us; we do not know what Zionism is. . . . It spins among us like a living corpse and addles our mind. And not only our mind but all our administrative rules, the political system and the problem of our national existence" (emphasis added—Y.I.).
The leaders of international Zionism can do neither without the ruling class now in power in Israel, nor without a privileged caste of emigrants from countries where the wealthiest and politically influential Jews are living (Europe and America). Ostensibly this caste personifies Israel as a whole, for, according to Zionist psychologists, it is only in the name of people of their own kind that a specific section of Jews in Europe and America will continue their donations (i.e., filling the Zionist coffers) and demonstrate their backing for the idea of "dual citizenship."
This is another important element of the Israeli version of apartheid.
Yet we know that it is possible, at best, to temporarily retard a process but not to stop it altogether. Attempts to do so inevitably lead to an explosion.
This thought involuntarily comes to mind after reading the reasonably objective information about the situation in Israel published by Newsweek in 1965: "Since 1948 more than 1,200,000 Jews have immigrated to Israel; they have come from 94 countries, speaking 70 languages. And with the mass immigration has come what is called 'the second Israel'—the 60 per cent of the country's 2.5 million population of Sephardic or Oriental origin. These are the Jews from North Africa, Asia and the Middle East whose cultural and social outlook is vastly different from that of the Ashkenazim or European Jews. . . . The income of the Orientals is barely three-quarters of the National Average. . . ." 
But the gap goes further than dry statistics. The European Jews treat the Eastern Jews with contempt. "You just can't expect the same kind of work from a frenk (a pejorative term for an Oriental) as you can from a European Jew," said one Polish shopkeeper. "'Sure he's a nice boy,' said one Israeli mother about her future son-in-law. 'But he's a schvarze (a black man). He comes from Libya and is no better than an Arab.' Then, bringing her fingers to her lip, she almost pleads: 'Please, don't tell the neighbours.'"
According to Newsweek, "many Oriental Jews . . . have been embittered against the European Jews. 'The Ashkenazim want to keep us down,' says David Hakham from Iraq. 'We are the base and they are the top. We came to Israel to escape discrimination. Instead, 'we find it here.' 'They're trying to culturally exterminate the Orientals,' says Michael Selzer, a radical spokesman for the Sephardic cause. 'They're trying to change Sephardim into Ashkenazim. They don't realise that they are sitting on a time bomb.'" (Emphasis added—Y.I.)
Here is another aspect of the activity of Israeli theoreticians and those directly working for the "solution" of the national question.
"To this day it has not been decided who should be considered a Jew," writes A. Zeromski. "But there is no doubt who should be considered a 'goy.' Moreover, the men are subjected to the most humiliating procedure. . . . The Israeli weekly Od Nowa published in Polish by the Mapam Party carried a story related by an Israeli citizen. Here it is word for word: 'I was asked into a separate room. I was ordered to take off my trousers and the careful, thorough inspection began. At last the sickening silence was broken by the words: 'He's a Jew, alright.' Where and when is this taking place? In Warsaw? In Lodz? In 1941? 1942? 1943? . . No, in Israel, in 1960. In Yavne Street on the premises of the honourable organisation known as the 'Court of the Rabbis.' When? I have already said: 'in A.D. 1960. . . . Twice in my life my trousers were taken off to ascertain whether I belonged to the chosen people: once in the ghetto before being sent to Oswiecim, the second—here, in the Jewish state. . . .'" 
Let us now see how Israeli ruling circles are fulfilling the third of the basic tasks set them by the leaders of the inter-national Zionist concern.
A relatively short while ago a large hotel and several blocks of flats, which were rented or sold at fantastic prices (their construction cost $20 million) were built in Abidjan, capital of the Ivory Coast.
In financing the project, the Israeli millionaire Ecostiel Federmann demonstrated "not in words but in deed" the willingness of Israeli businessmen to promote the economic "emancipation of the developing countries." Federmann personally appointed a certain Willie Schlener a manager of his hotel.
Later certain intriguing facts connected with this seemingly ordinary affair came to light: it became known that Federmann's business affairs in Africa were conducted by a secret company called Popina which was registered in only one country, Liechtenstein, and its list of shareholders was said to be secret.
Despite the veil of secrecy two very significant facts leaked out: 1) although Federmann appeared to be playing the leading role in this undertaking, 25 per cent of his own shares passed into the hands of the company's undisclosed shareholders and 2) the man whom Federmann appointed hotel manager was identified. as an active nazi and former assistant to another prominent nazi Albert Speer who had been tried at Nuremberg and sentenced to twenty years' imprisonment.
It is significant that millionaire Federmann was recommended to African governments by the Israeli Government, and Golda Meir, an experienced participant in all the machinations of the Israeli leadership, asked Federmann to lend his activity in Africa a genuinely Israeli character.  And that was precisely what he did.
From 1959 to 1965, 4,640 Africans went through a course of study in Israel.  Most of them were given an agricultural education and were taught the art of "rising to leading positions in the working-class movement of the native population."
This profession is taught at the Afro-Asian Institute for Labour, Economics and Co-operation founded in Israel in 1959 by the Histadrut (which is both a collective entrepreneur and communication channel with foreign capital) and the American Federation of Labour and Congress of Industrial Organisations (AFL-CIO). Israel's ex-Ambassador to the USA and Britain Eliahu Elat and AFL President George Meany were appointed co-directors of the Institute.
In his book The Central Intelligence Agency and the American Trade Unions, US journalist George Morris describes the Afro-Asian Institute in Israel as a centre of US intelligence activity conducted with the encouragement of US trade union bosses.
Not long ago the Israeli Government announced that a great historic honour had fallen to the lot of Israel—one which is also a duty—that of helping the backward, primitive peoples to improve and advance. 
Michael Brecher, in The New States of Asia: A Political Analysis, also speaks about this mission, but defines the Israeli Government's statement in a single terse phrase: ". . . The desire to serve as a bridge between the former colonial powers of the West and former dependent territories." 
Above we have given a brief account of the place and role assigned to Israel in the system of international Zionism by the imperialist forces and also of the urgent tasks now being set to Israel by the powers that be. Plainly obvious Israel's role as a shock unit of Zionism and the tasks this involves fully coincide with the interests of her ruling circles. But the same does not fully apply to the place she has held until recently in the system of international Zionism.
It is quite probable that the intentions of the Israeli ruling circles to create a "greater" Israel (which, in our opinion, should be viewed with all seriousness and due vigilance) arise from their desire to introduce certain changes into what is for them a fundamental issue. The place of a junior partner, that of a boy who starts a fight, no longer suits the pretenders to the "throne" of a Middle East "Israeli Empire."
The recent removal of Nahum Goldmann from the post of President of the World Zionist Organisation was apparently the result of pressure on the part of the Israeli Zionist leaders aspiring to a leading place in the international Zionist concern. Most likely the new president of the WZO will be elected from among their number, which, naturally, would be a practical step towards the realisation of the Israeli Zionists' long-standing plans for gaining control over the forces that are at present controlling them.
* * *
Each year on May 9 thousands of Israeli working people, Jews and Arabs alike, gather in Red Army Forest situated near Jerusalem. There, at a plain stone, a monument not deigned worthy of attention by Israeli sculptors, they mark the Day of Victory over nazi Germany and silently pay tribute to the memory of the fallen Soviet officers and soldiers who shouldered the main burden in the fight against the Hitlerite hordes.
It is these working people, Israeli internationalists, who annually observe the victory over the forces of reaction, with which Zionist leaders collaborated in the past and are doing so today, who are more aware than any other of their compatriots that the road along which the Israeli leaders are leading the country can end only in an unprecedented national disaster. "Our internationalism and patriotism are inseparable," declare the true representatives of the Israeli people. "The government's policy is not only anti-Arab, anti-communist and pro-imperialist. It is also anti-national, for it holds a clear menace to the people of Israel and their future [emphasis added—Y.I.]. Considering the situation in the Middle East and the world, this policy stands absolutely no chance of success." 
The tragedy of present-day Israel is that by no means all her people have grasped the essence of the policy of the ruling circles and the role of the international Zionist concern in programming this policy to suit its own interests and the interests of its imperialist partners. A considerable number of Israelis still do not see, or for reasons of their own refuse to admit that the international Zionist concern and the Israeli Zionist leaders have unfortunately done much to turn Israel into an obedient tool of their policy that is completely at odds with the interests of the people and the country.
The imposing assortment of Zionist parties in Israel, ranging from the Mapam, whose programme contains the words "dictatorship of the proletariat," to the Herut which had long since been calling for an Israeli-bred Mussolini, is intended to satisfy the most diverse political tastes of the Israelis, to make them swallow the particular legend about Zionism which each party is painstakingly elaborating.
The polemics between all sorts of Zionist representatives in the Knesset (in intervals between acts of aggression against the Arab states) wax white hot and each rank-and-file member of a particular Zionist party notes with satisfaction how astutely his deputy "gave it" to a (no less Zionist) opponent.
But it has been happening increasingly of late that the Israeli convinced that Zionism is merely a "labour re-education of the Jews for the purpose of returning them their good name," as some of its "Left-wing" agitators assert, suddenly finds himself marching with his bayonet fixed in line with representatives of other Zionist organisations whose convictions and spirit are alien to him, while his deputy occupies a chair of honour in the "national coalition government" and noisily obstructs those who speak up in defence of the honour and dignity of the Israeli people.
June 5, 1967, the Knesset (verbatim report)
M. Vilner. The Eshkol Government . . . started today a war against the UAR. . . . No enemy whatsoever could do more damage to Israel than this government. . . . The war will not resolve even one of the problems disputed between Israel and the Arab states. The war yet deepens the problems more and causes unforetellable damage to Israel in the region and in the international arena. . . .
The American and British imperialists only are interested in this war, in order to keep their petroleum concessions and their military bases in the area at the cost of the blood of our' sons and daughters. . . .
(At this point of M. Vilner's speech he was interrupted by continuous and hysteric shouts from all benches.)
T. Toubi. The war. . . is an open aggressive act. . . .
M. Vilner. . . .This is a war waged against the real interests of Israel.
(The interruptions and shouts continued and grew even stronger. The speaker, Kadish Looz, tried to quieten down the interruptions.)
T. Toubi. You will not be able to quieten the voice of the Communist Party, the voice of the Jewish and Arab Communists, because this is the voice of peace and it is stronger than your shouts! . . .
(. . . Shouts were started again. . . . Some of these shouts were of a cheap anti-Soviet character.)
M. Vilner. The Soviet Union stands for peace. The people of Israel will be still in need of the help of the Soviet Union, in order to get Israel out of the disaster you are pushing her into.
M. Vilner. . . .We stand here today as we stood in 1956. . . (during the 1956 aggression—Y.I.).
M. Biram. (Right-wing Zionist). Shame to you! (Hysteric shouts from all coalition benches.)
M. Vilner. You will bring a catastrophe to the nation. You will bring a catastrophe on our people! We try to save the people of Israel from your adventurism. We want security for Israel, we want peace for Israel, and not military adventures in the service of the USA and Britain. . . .
M. Vilner. . . .Children, old men, women carrying remnants of their belongings had to leave their houses within few hours without any preparation, without any alternative lodging. . . . Is this not cruelty towards the civilian population? . . .
M. Cohen. (Alignment). Stop this propaganda against the Government of Israel.
M. Vilner. I am saying these things in the interest of the State of Israel.
M. Cohen. You are an inciter!
M. Vilner. Anti-Semitism never served a people. Not those who did this against the Jews and not the Jews who are doing this now against the Arabs. . . .
Disregarding persecution and the chauvinist hysteria courageous Israeli Communists are telling the truth to the Israelis knowing that only the road of peace will lead them to a future where security, mutual respect, co-operation and friendship of all the peoples of the Middle East will be the norm.
"Ours is a policy of national salvation," Meir Vilner emphasised: "it indicates the only way of solving the difficult problems confronting the Israeli people. Our Party is working for a united front that will bring together all peace-loving Israelis who, irrespective of political views, insist on evacuation of the occupied territories and on a peaceful settlement on the following basis:
"1) Withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied parts of the United Arab Republic, Jordan and Syria as a necessary step towards a peaceful and just settlement based on mutual respect of rights, including Israel's right to exist.
"2) Recognition of the national rights of the Palestinian Arabs, and primarily the rights of the Arab refugees, in accordance with the UN resolution." 
But the Israeli leaders would not heed the voice of reason.
1967. . . . "There is an increasing number of reports about the atrocities and acts of violence committed by the Israeli invaders on the occupied territories. What is taking place in the Sinai Peninsula and in the Gaza Strip, in the western part of Jordan and in the Syrian lands occupied by Israeli troops, reminds us of the monstrous crimes perpetrated by the fascists in the Second World War. . . ." 
1968. . . . The military budget is being upped more than 20 per cent, and the police budget 15 per cent, allocations for education are being cut 24 per cent and public health and social welfare 25 per cent.  "Our task is to create a greater Israel," declared Israeli Minister of Labour Yigal Allon in an order authorising settlement on the seized Arab territories.
"Guns before butter," "Greater Israel," "Living space"—what a familiar tune. What a killing resemblance in every sense of the word.
"Why didn't Moshe Dayan shudder when he uttered the words inciting the terror of recollections," the Israeli writer Amos Oz declared publicly in sincere bewilderment following one of the general's frequent public statements. "For 'living space' is nothing more than a demand to expel a people to have its place taken by a 'more civilised' nation. . . . Why did Dayan resort to a terminology used by our enemies to justify their persecutions against us, the very same terminology, which, having fallen off the lips of the nazis, became a synonym of filth for all freedom-loving peoples of the world?" 
While Amos Oz is merely bewildered by Moshe Dayan's shocking terminology, there is a growing number of people in Israel whose sense of duty and justice revolts against the criminal actions of the Israeli militarists. Possessed of a fine sense of responsibility for the destiny of their homeland, these people swell the ranks of the militant opponents of the wild schemes of the Israeli rulers who are leading their country towards disaster.
"An end should be put to the violation of human rights in Israel and in the occupied territories." This is demanded by distinguished Israeli writers, scientists, journalists, poets together with workers, students and people from other walks of life. "More and more Arabs are being expelled from the West Bank [of the Jordan—Y. I.] on the orders of the Israeli Military Governor," reads their declaration of protest. ". . . Domination over another people dooms the oppressors themselves to moral degradation. . . . A nation oppressing another nation inevitably forfeits its own freedom and the freedom of its citizens. . . ." 
It cannot be overlooked, however, that there is a category of people in Israel who think otherwise.
A fairly large Zionist-controlled organisation called the Israeli Peace Movement circulated in many countries its own memorandum entitled "The Six Day War Was on the Part of the People of Israel a Defensive War for Israel's Very Existence."
The memorandum was also circulated in the USA. Replying to the authors of this document and the forces behind them, Gus Hall, General Secretary of the United States Communist Party, wrote in his open letter:
"No matter how often you say it, an aggression does not become a 'defensive war.' You cannot deny that it was the armed forces of Israel that attacked Egypt, Syria and Jordan. You cannot deny that it was the bombers of Israel that dropped bombs on these countries. You cannot deny that it is the armed forces of Israel that still occupy large sections of the soil of the three Arab countries. You cannot deny that the government of Israel has taken steps to incorporate these sectors as a part of Israel. . . .
"The root of the crisis in the Middle East is oil. The governments of the Arab countries have increasingly and justifiably insisted on a greater share of the wealth extracted from their oil. The US and British Governments, and especially the C.I.A., have been very busy making one attempt after another to overthrow these Arab governments. . . .
"To support the aggression by Israel is not supporting Israel. . . . Mankind will not accept your apologies for Israel's aggression. The people of Israel will also be judged by how they fight against the unjust policies of Israel. . . ."  (Emphasis added—Y.I.)
Today, when the venom of chauvinism (of which the Zionist centre is busy producing a concentrated solution round the clock) has affected many people in Israel, it would be worth while to remind those who are still prepared to cure them-selves of addiction to the Zionist drug, who are still concerned with the future of their homeland and their children, who have not yet learned to laugh at the sufferings of Zweig's heroes, who have not forgotten nazi camps and who aspire to human dignity, of the bitter, grave and honest words of the appeal of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany of June 11, 1945. For the Israel of today it is more than a historical document—it is a direct warning:
"All those Germans who saw in the armament policy 'the greatness of Germany' and who accepted the wild militarism, marches and military drill as the greatest boon for the nation bear the blame. It was our misfortune that millions upon millions of Germans followed in the lead of nazi demagogy, that the venom of the bestial racial theory of the 'fight for Lebensraum' was able to poison the organism of the people. It was our misfortune that broad sections of the population lost their sense of human dignity and justice and followed Hitler because he promised them a good dinner and supper at the expense of other peoples as a result of war and plunder." 
The total Zionisation of Israel, further military adventures for the sake of the international Zionist concern and its imperialist allies, adventures pregnant with the most dire consequences, and the search for "living space" is one road.
"Not with imperialism against the Arab peoples, but with the Arab peoples against imperialism" is the other road.
The choice has to be made: there is no avoiding it.
THE FUTURE WILL SHOW HOW MUCH COMMON SENSE THE ISRAELI PUBLIC POSSESSES.
1. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, Warszawa, 1965, str. 172.
2. [Cyrillic text].
3. Communist Party of Israel. Central Committee Information Bulletin, Tel Aviv, 1965.
5. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, str. 36.
6. Ben-Gurion, Israel: Years of Challenge, pp. 232, 233.
7. Walichnowski, T., "Od Jeufratu az do Nilu," Kontynenty, No. 2, 1968.
10. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, str. 236.
11. Ibid., str. 27.
12. Weingrod, A., Israel: Group Relations in a New Society, London, 1965, p. 39.
13. Ibid., p. 41.
14. Ibid., p. 75.
15. US News and World Report, April 17 and 10, 1967.
16. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, str. 152–53;
17. Vilner, M., The Palestine Problem and the Israel-Arab Dispute, CPI, Tel Aviv.
19. On the Situation of the Arabs in Israel, CPI, Tel Aviv, September 1966.
21. Vilner, M., The Palestine Problem . . . , p. 28.
22. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, str. 227.
23. On the Situation of the Arabs in Israel, CPI, September 1966.
24. CPI Press Release, February 1966.
26. Sneh, M., Israeli Economy, CPI, 1961, p. 8.
27. Walichnowski, T., "Od Jeufratu az do Nilu," Kontynenty, No. 2, 1968.
28. Zo Hadereh, 17.11.1967.
29. Vilner, M. "The Israeli Communist Party in the Fight Against Aggression and for Peace," World Marxist Review, Vol. II, No. 4, April 1968, p. 73.
30. Newsweek, November 15, 1965, pp. 43–44.
31. Zeromski, A., Na zachód od Jordanu, str. 118.
32. Haolam Nazeh, No. 1530, Israel, 28.12.1966 (Hebrew).
33. [Cyrillic text].
34. Government Year Book, Jerusalem, 5720 (1959–1960), p. 69.
35. Brecher, M., The New States of Asia, London, 1963, p. 147.
36. World Marxist Review, April 1968, p. 73.
38. [Cyrillic text].
39. World Marxist Review, April 1968, p. 74.
40. Davar, Israel, August 22, 1967.
41. [Cyrillic text].
42. The Worker, USA, January 7, 1968.
43. Deutsche Volkszeitung, 13.6.1945, Berlin.