THE NEO-NAZI FACE OF THE EXTREME RIGHT
Chapter Two discussed the neo-nazis (1960–75) within the context of the Satellite Right (1945–75), as a specialized auxiliary armed with a peculiar militant-conservative ‘false consciousness’ which permitted manipulation by the para-State for the violent struggle against the Left.
The mass-targets of political-police attack had declined by 1975. The empowerment in the State of a determined liberal-internationalist capitalism did not mean that the relationship with the Nazi auxiliaries should be absolutely severed. This relationship might change and become obscured. Whereas the underground militias of the inter-war period yielded to the auxiliary structures of the post 1945 Satellite Right, the new order would require agents not for the disruption of the Left as much as for the marginalization of the Right. It has been observed that provocation was present in the National Front/Ananda Marga events. It is therefore reasonable to denote evidence which sustains the argument that security services maintained liaison with some neo-nazis for ‘dirty tricks’ operations against the Right.
Nonetheless, Australian 1980’s neo-nazism achieved independence as a minoritarian Extreme Right trend inspirationally integrated with international neo-nazism. This Chapter provides case-study material on the Australian Nationalists Movement (ANM) whose politically motivated violence campaign was a shadow-struggle with State power (1988–90). A nazified Skinhead underclass movement also appeared. The Chapter lastly argues that neo-nazism survived the destruction of ANM and turned full circle: it returned as a mimetic cult attuned to racial violence and provocation, an ultra-fringe conditioned by neurotics, fantasizers and informers.
A scholarly literature on neo-nazism developed only recently. Generally, American and other neo-nazism had until the 1980’s, rated the odd chapter in sensationalist or sub-academic material on the international Right. Some 1980’s researchers appreciated the necessity to differentiate neo-nazism from other Extreme Right typologies. However, while neo-nazism was distinguished as a particular palingenetic form of post-war fascism, the nature of its ‘vision’ was not explored. Griffin seems the first to have attempted a classificatory system for the shades of neo-nazism. He located: first, a ‘Nostalgic Nazism’ necessarily German and the province of a passing generation, but which could disguise itself for activist purposes; second, “crudely mimetic” structures in many countries which “turn their back on any indigenous fascism”. By implication also, Griffin has created two other categories based on: the “assimilation of Nazism into all forms of white supremacist ideology” and, the “conversion of a significant section of the international ‘Skinhead’ subculture …”. Unfortunately, no exposition was advanced of these ideal-type categorizations – forms that, it is argued, offer innovative ideas most expressive of neo-nazism’s core.
Academic work upon the subject of neo-nazi ‘terrorism’ has value to this Thesis in the interpretation of ANM’s development towards violence and in explaining the singular language of neo-nazism. Similarly, there is research on the Skinhead movement of comparative value. There was William Schmaltz’s biography of Rockwell, which was confirmative of the author’s hypothesis that Rockwell, a major source-reference for later neo-nazis, may not have been ultimately, a neo-nazi at all (Chapter Two). This issue was relevant to the occult character of neo-nazism which developed progressively out of Rockwell’s organization and which is a crucial issue in my analysis. Some theoretical examination of neo-nazism is attempted. This Chapter shall apply recent seminal research by Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke. He has assessed the relationship of Ariosophy to Nazism and the contribution of Savitri Devi to neo-nazism, and examined the continuing relevance of neo-ariosophical occultism to this ideology. The author had previously recorded American neo-nazism’s steady drift into theological forms but could not locate its ideological source. This Thesis did discern Devi’s centrality before Goodrick-Clarke’s work was discovered.
1. Special Branch Nazism Resurrected 1976–84
Australian neo-nazism (1976–84) was congruent with weak post-NSPA groups operated by Robert Cameron. Until 1978, Nazis could damage Jewish war memorials or ‘steal’ Laurie Clapperton’s pungent ‘Stop The Asian Invasion’ slogan and spray-paint it about Sydney, all without public impact. Naturally, the falsely appropriated National Front label brought massive publicity but few recruits. Contacts would quickly have learned the group had little funding and no British ally. There was no progress.
In 1980, Cameron rechristened his group the “NSPA”, threatened the life of Robert Hawke and expressed his cynicism:
We’re in the process of a revolution and there are a lot of unemployed who can be used and discarded … We want them to become young Blackshirts …
Media provocation was carried over into the ‘White Australia League’ (1981) in association with ex-NSPA candidate Kevin Thompson and lastly, the ‘White Australia Movement’ (WAM) (1982–4). These groups, indulged by particular journalists, announced they controlled ICA, National Front (Sisson), National Alliance and others. An attempt to intimidate into silence the Progressive Nationalist Party was unsuccessful. A claim of 2,000 members and a ‘plan’ to organize public rallies were credulously reported. Justifiably, one sceptical reporter quoted membership as “four”, while Tribune disputed Cameron’s claim of hegemony over the Extreme Right. Nevertheless, a complaint to the Press Council made by this author, that Cameron enjoyed no substance, was rejected as irrelevant to the process of news reporting and the complaints system.
Certainly, Cameron’s supporters were involved in a western Sydney ‘race riot’ in October 1981, which attracted a transient thug element, but participation in the Lowe by-election in March 1982 gave WAM only 115 votes.
Two incidents pass sour comment upon Cameron’s neo-nazism. First, Cameron and May played themselves in an underground film about the life of an Australian dwarf. Silent Scream (1983) showed the ‘stars’ as play actors. Second, in June 1984 after further media reports that casually linked his activities with National Action, Cameron met secretly with NA to explain his withdrawal from politics – as “police pressure”. The meeting eventuated a few days prior to the public announcement of an Inquiry into the convictions of the Ananda Marga Three.
Cameron’s racist activism occurred during a time when neo-nazism became significant on the international Extreme Right. Militaria salesman Michael McLaughlin, built the British Movement into a lumpen-proletarian street force between 1975 and 1982. American Nazis shot down Maoists in North Carolina and paraded through U.S. cities. Neo-nazis bombed Munich’s 1980 Oktoberfest while the Federation d’Action National et European (FANE) was banned in 1980 by French Presidential decree. Australian neo-nazism had no connection with these forces nor apparently was one sought. Further, Cameron’s leaflets, posters and news-bulletins published for 1976–84, revealed neither sophistication nor application to agitation.
Reasonably, Cameron knew that his media assertions of strength, activism and relationships with other Extreme Right groups, were untrue. His predictions of a “race war”, threats to murder adoptees of Korean orphans and calls for violence, angered and dismayed anti-immigration groups. Cameron reputedly enjoyed the media circus. Considering Cameron’s involvement in the NF/Ananda Marga operation, political police had an interest in the close management of their strawman and his propitious removal from ‘activism’.
An optimistic 1984 National Action internal letter, reasoned neo-nazism to be “dead”.
2. Jack van Tongeren Revives Australian Neo-Nazism
(a) Background Details
A singular personality, Peter Joseph (‘Jack’) van Tongeren, a Dutch migrant born in 1947, chose as his mission the creation of a viable Australian neo-nazi movement. He appeared as a caricature complete with semi-military attire and beret; he freely announced: “we intend to upbreed our people genetically”. However, simultaneously he could address the themes of Australian Right politics and act upon them.
Van Tongeren’s personal development holds clues to his political orientation. In 1987 he admitted to Indonesian ancestory, and in 1989 his mixed-race father disassociated from him. His Australian mother wrote a syndicated article which concentrated on van Tongeren’s ethnic background, his stressful youth and social alienation. The ANM’s magazine The Nationalist, wrote deceptively:
Mr van Tongeren … born in the Netherlands … came [to] Australia with his parents when he was twelve months old … [his] mother, a fifth generation Australian is descended from settlers who came … during the Gold Rushes …
The same magazine carried van Tongeren’s curious article dealing with the cultural-Europeanization of a Javanese princess – an allusion perhaps to his own inner tension.
The ANM explained its mission and understanding of Australia as
an Aryan concept … only the Aryan is the true authentic warrior … Australia has the potential to host the great ingathering of the Aryan peoples … We stand poised on the brink of disaster or at the gates of a Golden Age … an Aryan Dawn …
Upon Griffin’s logic, this statement was one of palingenetic mythopoeia: the crisis, the redemptive-struggle, a new birth – and significantly a personal transcendence whereby the reborn-nation myth redeems the troubled individual.
Jack van Tongeren’s National Action critics maintained he held to a sincere, soldier’s patriotism. He had served in the Australian army in Vietnam with credit (1971) and worked and travelled throughout Australia. Van Tongeren’s part-autobiographical, “The ANM Story: The Pre-Revolutionary Years 1970–1989”, described a 1979–83 program of voracious reading which led him towards Holocaust Revisionism, League Of Rights conspiracy theory, Social Credit, German Nazi history and “the esoteric”.
The ‘esoteric’ was dominant in van Tongeren’s thought. His Hellenism Versus Christianity argued for a rebirth of Greek philosophy to counter “semitic” Christianity and implied a gnostic search for hidden truth. Van Tongeren dated years from the foundation of Rome and was fascinated with “Philosopher-Kings” like Marcus Aurelius, Indo-European folk-wanderings, lost civilizations, astral events, the vedas and runic lore. These interests, as shall be shown, have similarity to occultist Ariosophy and related ideas. When he criticized National Action he argued his belief in the ‘occult’ forces:
There is a primeval order to the Universe. A Natural Law governs the performance of all existence from the nature of mass and energy, the motion of heavenly bodies to the growth pattern of a forest … The organization that taps into the natural law will also tap into that inner strength … National Action does not have that indefinable yet definite sense of strength … that people can rally to and follow to the stars …
Inside the new ANM, van Tongeren was “leader and guide”, a spiritual master like ‘fuhrer’ Adolf Hitler.
Van Tongeren’s descent into the world of neo-nazism was direct. After a personally significant journey to Iceland (“Ultima Thule”) in 1983, he travelled to Los Angeles where he conferred with the neo-nazi American Workers’ Party. Van Tongeren met with Matt Koehl of the National Socialist White People’s Party (NSWPP), the leader-successor to Rockwell. Koehl, a key progenitor of neo-nazism was unimpressed by the self-possessed Australian, but introduced him to the writings of NSWPP saint Savitri Devi and the U.S. neo-nazi theoretical material hereunder described.
Neo-nazism shall now be defined generally and as the ANM’s rationale.
(b) The Ideological Core Of Neo-Nazism And Its Typological Variations
Given its global context over a half-century, neo-nazism demands a comprehensive historical analysis. This study however is restricted to its ideological ‘core’ and typology. Various descriptions of neo-nazism’s ideological and organizational characteristics are extant. For example, Billig concentrated on pathological anti-semitism as the essence of British 1960’s/1970’s neo-nazism. Thurlow traced this obsession to Arnold Leese’s Gothic Ripples circle of the 1950’s. Leese characterized Jews in manichaean terms, as a force for the miscegenation of the white race and the prime mover in the war against Hitler’s Aryan-German renaissance. Leese’s influence on the 1950’s-schooled leadership of the later National Front was pervasive. As a major tributary to British neo-nazism, he taught the centrality of an anti-semitic conspiracy doctrine and a strict racial purism. His acolyte, the premier theorist of British neo-nazism Colin Jordan, harmonized Leese’s legacy with the nordicist folkloric politics of the ‘Northern European Ring’. This ‘International’ (1958–63) linked groups which saw in German Nazism the proof of nordic vitality. Such traditions provided recruits for the new 1960’s nazism.
This neo-nazism owed little to German nostalgics. Kurt Tauber’s massive Beyond Eagle And Swastika: German Nationalism Since 1945, has established that an articulated neo-nazism did not emerge in Germany (1945–65), since the defeat released each component of the Nazi synthesis back into German Right politics. The power-nostalgics were practical men who rallied to other Extreme Right parties. Rather, it seems settled that the catalyst for the growth of neo-nazism centred on American groups – initially James Madole’s National Renaissance Party and particularly Rockwell’s American Nazi Party. Transferred from its natural terrain, Nazism would suffer in reinterpretation.
Analysis was slow to take up these issues. Rockwell’s 1960’s propagandistic vulgarity attracted some intellectual interest for its flamboyancy. One 1988 exposé of British and Continental neo-nazi groups of the 1970’s and 1980’s described a madhouse of callow youths, dress-up heroes, delusional racial violence, fragile leaders and Hitler worship. These notions contained some truth. Paul Wilkinson made a vital observation. While noting the racist posturing, violence and marginality of 1970’s neo-nazism, he dubbed its structures – “ideological religious cult movements”. The author had come to similar conclusions. However, the mainstream academic discussion had avoided this interpretation until the advent of researchers associated with the Terrorism And Political Violence journal. One analyst described 1980’s/1990’s U.S. neo-nazi cultic traits, such as:
… a Golden Age Myth, the perception of the Theft of a Culture, scriptualism, a manichaean world view, a conspirational view of history, a vision of the group as an ‘elect’ … and finally an apocalyptic or chiliastic analysis of society …
Logically, neo-nazism had inherent deeply-rooted qualities which engendered these ideological expressions.
The existence of a post-1945 international movement derived of a delimited historical example represents a theoretical problem for analysts – and participants. Neo-nazis, commencing with Koehl’s Adolf Hitler: German Nationalist Or Aryan Racialist?, have resolved their problem through ahistoricism, arguing that Hitler established neither a German Nationalist nor Pan-Germanic movement, but a “political racial-nationalism”. As Jordan amplified, this was “no transient political scheme”. Koehl’s universalized Nazism explained Hitler’s nationalism and Germanicism as tools for Aryan renewal, a project untruthfully presented as not anti-Slavic.
While Jordan’s 1960 Northern European differentiated National Socialism and Fascism because of the latter’s “Mediterranean mind” – which rendered it poor dietary fare for Nordics – Koehl’s Some Guidelines For The Development Of The National Socialist Movement concluded that Nazism was not a variety of fascism as only Nazism contained a “transcendent racial ideal”.
Koehl’s 1972 pamphlet The Future Calls, cultized Hitler’s role in the promulgation of Nazism, using direct religious imagery to announce him an Aryan Christ who brought a “race saving message”, a providential gift to a race “standing at the abyss”. Koehl’s “Hitlerism: Faith Of The Future” described an Aryan alternative to Christianity, – “a new dispensation” – and neo-nazis as a faithful retinue to witness Nazism’s resurrection. Harold Covington, another American neo-nazi whose activities ranged the period of this Thesis, referred to Hitler’s “living spirit” inspiring white racial rebirth.
A welter of writing, from the erudite to the illiterate, gave Nazi Germany as the quintessential model of the ‘National Socialist State’ and its ‘heroic war’ as proof of vitality. Whether the Nazi state’s errors and excesses were admitted or denied, neo-nazis appeared captivated by its drama – and its religious ritualism.
Bluntly, Nazism’s history provided boundless vistas for mythmaking. First, the international network, the New European Order, advanced a ‘National European’ ideology; delineated first in the 1950’s, it doctrinized the wartime ‘New Order’ as the charter-myth for a revitalized Europe. Second, Nazism was held to possess the racial ‘Phoenix spirit’; this coloured the 1980’s apocalyptic eschatological rhetoric of U.S. neo-nazi sects and ‘Christian Identity’ groups directed at America’s “Zionist Occupation Government” (ZOG). Third, the Waffen SS and Hitler Youth has inspired with their uniforms and titles Detroit’s reborn fetishists of the ‘SS Action Group’. Fourth, drawing upon traces of perversion, a Jewish author stretched the truth to postulate that 1990’s German neo-nazis expressed a brutal sexual fetishism – although for some it did encourage ‘warrior-homosexuality’. Potential examples are unlimited.
Neo-nazi groups generally placed race at the centre of their world-view and relegated socio-economic questions to a subsidiary place. Over decades their propaganda has arranged races into a hierarchy and, in contradistinction to Le Pen’s Front National, the German Republikaner, the Nouvelle Droit and other ‘fascist’ trends, declined to argue ‘difference’. If 1990’s German neo-nazism was representative, a fine line divided the ideology of racial superiority from anti-immigrant violence. The ‘racial-enemy’ the Jew, has also remained a vital target. Whether Historical Revisionist tracts were distributed or cemeteries desecrated, the fixation has motivated Nazis even where, as one American Jewish civil libertarian conceded, they served no purpose other than to assist Zionist fundraisers who traded on ‘never again’. The lack of critical faculty sometimes led to an intense anti-communism whereby the new ‘SA’ would defeat the ‘Red Front’. That this Reaganist preoccupation intensifed 1980’s Cold War 2 isolation was recognized by Paul Riis-Knudsen. This Danish neo-nazi criticized Russophobic anti-communism agreeing with West German neo-nazi chief (1977–91) Michael Kuehnen, who had also urged neo-nazis to oppose Europe’s ‘Americanization’.
The ANM kept abreast of neo-nazism’s disputes, activism and ideological developments. In 1988, a direct personal link with Kuehnen was made by ANM ‘Deputy Leader’ Peter Coleman when he visited Germany. Through a book-service, Coleman imported for re-sale the widest array of international neo-nazi literature. The ANM was therefore ecumenical in its appreciation of neo-nazism and could be innovative to opportunity.
To afford Griffin’s contrast of the crudely mimetic groups and the stylistic and ideological innovators the status of typological variation, would be appropriate upon the following logic: if different self-descriptive ideological terms, symbols, uniforming, alliances and degree of integration into or concession towards other forms of Extreme Right discourse, are manifested.
To overcome any objection that the hypothesized variation implies the constructive types are truly divorced, three representative witnesses can be called: Notre Europe renamed as Le Flambeau Europeen, issued by FANE and its successor group, 1978-83; CEDADE, issued by the Spanish Circle Of The Friends Of Europe, 1975-80’s; WAR, issued by White Aryan Resistance (U.S.), 1985-92. These publications reported a plethora of groups as members of the one broad neo-nazi church whether the members were ‘National Socialists’, ‘National-Europeans’, or ‘White Nationalists’, used swastikas, other runic representations or phoenix emblems, wore brown uniforms, other uniforms or no uniforms, slavishly adopted German Nazi motif or integrated it into a different style. Typologically, neo-nazis share a fused set of ideological interests: Indo-Aryan pre-history, white race internationalism, Rudolf Hess’s martyrdom, Holocaust-denial, Jewish-conspiracy ideology, Second World War historical revision, a Hitler-cult.
It is clear that the mimetic groups (“National Socialists”, brown uniforms, swastikas) were chiefly products of the 1960’s and the innovative groups of the 1970’s, although mimetic groups continued to make appearances. The innovators took advantage of a fading public awareness of Nazism’s reality, and of the academicization of its ideological nature, to assert a spiritual-revolutionary reinterpretation of German Nazism.
Goodrick-Clarke recently argued that the end of economic security in the 1970’s, the tendency to mythologize Hitler in mainstream history as an out-of-life character, the revival of interest in the occult dimension of Nazism and an increase in fictional accounts of Nazi revival, inspired neo-nazi activism. A new typology became possible. What Koehl and WUNS pioneered, others developed.
No less than Griffin’s first principles, the suggested typology for neo-nazism inferred empirically a core dynamic. Goodrick-Clarke’s description of German Nazism’s relationship with Ariosophy provided essential logic.
This fantastic racial-theosophist mysticism conjured by Lanz von Liebenfels, Guido von List and others, first appeared in Austria-Hungary. It discussed lost Aryan civilizations and knowledge, secret runic messages and announced the age one of Aryan debasement at Jewish hands. It favoured selective breeding, grandiose anti-Slavic imperialism, the war of Aryan Light against Jewish Darkness and a new knightly-priestly order. Hitler absorbed its precepts during 1908-12. This Ariosophy entered Germany through the ‘Germanenorder’ and the Thule Society, which supplied early recruits to Nazism.
Essentially, the NSDAP merged in 1920, the German Workers’ Party (DAP) and the Thule circles. Whereas,
… the DAP line was predominantly one of extreme political and social nationalism and not based on the Aryan racist-occult pattern of the Germanenorder ...
- the new NSDAP syncretized two palingenetic systems in the singular moment of Germany’s agony. The fascist ‘core-molecule’ was created corrupt. The NSDAP retained a duality; it expressed ‘nationalist-socialism’ but its racist irrationality, fanaticism and inability to transcend these limitations (especially when a Euro-nationalism and national-liberation method in the Slavic USSR might have won the war), indicated the presence of programmatic Ariosophy and the continued input of similar ideas. Ideological-political disputes within the Nazi movement (Strasser/Hitler 1925-6; Black Front/NSDAP 1930-33; Rohm/Hitler 1934; Waffen SS/official Eastern Policy 1941-44), become clarified.
Clear testimony exists that in the post-1945 world, some on the Extreme Right appreciated Nazism on the basis of its ariosophical racism. The theosophy-attuned American National Renaissance Party (1949-80) did so, and developed some new occult preoccupations of a New Atlantis in America. A former Chilean diplomat Miguel Serrano, followed the “magician”, “Luciferian” Hitler, “the collective unconscious” of the Aryan race. His “esoteric Hitlerist” position was broadcast through a 1960’s/1970’s Chilean affiliate to the WUNS.
Whereas Rockwell did not share this occult commitment, Jordan his partner in WUNS and Koehl his deputy, were moved by Savitri Devi whose significance for neo-nazism is discussed shortly. Koehl’s 1970’s/1980’s attempt to render Nazism “a new religion” was ultimately opposed by others like Knudsen, although the latter defended his position on the basis of a ‘nature-philosophy’ of ancient-aryan inspiration. Through the 1980’s and into the 1990’s an array of occult-nazi journals appeared in several countries. A prominent British ‘cosmic-nazi’ fantasized about “Galactic” nazidom and described Nazism as “practical alchemy”.
Apparently some neo-nazis not only referred deliberately to the old Ariosophy but produced variations upon the occult tradition. Arguably neo-nazism is organizationally ariosophical. Given its logic that Nazism was the application of the ancient Aryan wisdom, it might stand opportunistically ready to cross-fertilize white racist ideologies in the same way as the original Ariosophy did to German nationalist-socialism. Here we can detect the mimetic and innovationist typologies: one draws upon the Nazi German experience as essential to the ariosophical heritage and may posit it the old Aryan religious faith reborn; the other develops upon neo-ariosophical ideas to internalize the German Nazi mythos and attempts to fertilize unwary sections of the Extreme Right.
By the 1980’s as van Tongeren emerged, the WUNS was near-fiction and neo-nazism devoid of any centralized ‘International’. However, this fragmented hyper-internationalized community stayed capable of attracting a percentage of those whom Griffin argued are amenable to palingenetic urges. Rather than form cadre for neo-fascist or “hybridized neo-fascist/national populist organizations”, such persons rally to a “demi world of ideologues, Walter Mittys and psychopaths”.
Neo-nazism’s synthetic nature, drawn of the occult, the essential fascist ‘core’ and its modern ideological typology allowed it to opportunistically approach Extreme Right groups for ‘takeover’ or manipulation. Once van Tongeren internalized the neo-nazi synthesis, he sought leverage through existent groups.
(c) The ANM: Foundation Strategy
Van Tongeren’s political debut occurred in 1981-2 in Tasmania through the conservative Anglo-Saxon Keltic Society (ASKS). He dreamed an ASKS influence with senior Liberals conducive to Tasmanian secession. Later domiciled in Perth, he founded in 1983 with contacts drawn from the LOR, a publishing group ‘Tides And Time’. Its logo resembled that of the Germanenorder. He desired to reorient the League towards activism. Van Tongeren’s attraction to the LOR probably involved more than shared ideological interests. He may have recognized a common mythic core eschatology, and only later understood that neo-ariosophy and social-Christianity were irreconcilable.
Meantime, attracted by the physical propaganda of National Action, van Tongeren brought his group into the Perth organization and acquired control. Van Tongeren and his confidant, Serb anti-semite Alexander Mladenovich, saw NA as a vehicle:
… [We] decided to team up with them, with certain reservations … they were too narrowly anti-Asian … they always wished to avoid taking on the main problem in Australia and … the world – Zionism and Freemasonry …
As NA’s 1984 Senate candidate in Western Australia, van Tongeren approached Eric Butler and Jeremy Lee for assistance but was rebuffed. Convinced he could out-poll the 1983 Christian Alternative Movement-Immigration Control Council candidates, a disappointing 861 votes demonstrated a stagnant local anti-immigration constituency. Electoral failure was chiefly ascribed to the rejection by conservatives of the labour-nationalist style whereby NA was denied an electoral base.
With little further to be gained temporizing with NA, van Tongeren revealed his strategy. In early 1985, he approached Perth’s World Anti-Communist League branch, the ‘Army of Men’, Victorian RSL President Bruce Ruxton, the Henry George League and mining magnate Lang Hancock for a new political arrangement to be realized that year. At NA’s 1985 conference, van Tongeren argued “solid citizens” were partisans of the “national flag”. Coleman, hitherto a covert neo-nazi, asserted that the Eureka Flag was “the banner of Jew poofters” and praised Bjelke-Petersen “who knows how to handle the boongs”. These rhetorical forays did not convince National Action to bloc with the Conservative Right. Van Tongeren wrote later of this conference’s aftermath:
I personally talked with Bruce Ruxton … that was the reason for the quick departure. He is now keenly observing our actions … There is much at stake here … I could not risk things by telling the Sydney crowd …
With a new “National Socialist” programme, the ANM was founded in Perth on Hitler’s birthday – April 20 1985. A ‘runic’ Celtic Cross was employed alongside the national flag. The ANM hoped for:
… big money from the very wealthy people who observed our Federal election campaign … we need better people and big money … Jim Saleam and his coffee shop commandoes and brick throwing yahoos simply turn off better people … [and] … big money … People like Bruce Ruxton are potentially very valuable …
The Nationalist reprinted Ruxton’s Toorak Times columns and endorsed the British connection. Van Tongeren berated Saleam that his purpose “is not revenge and destruction”, but “love of our race, culture, nation …”.
The ANM assiduously attempted the Right regroupement project, publishing extensively on League economic and conspiratology themes and liaising with the named groups. Tenuous links existed with some Special Air Service personnel connected to a strike-breaking company employed in the mining industry, and whose directors were WACL supporters.
After some 16 months ANM’s scheme to regroup the Right had fizzled. Banned from LOR functions and after a faction seceded as the “Caucasian Society”, the ANM seemed finished. At that moment, brothers John and Wayne van Blitterswyk brought in new followers, and Coleman introduced the new strategy contained in The Turner Diaries.
(d) The ANM And Political Violence: Mystic Roots
In 1986, Coleman produced a pirate-edition of The Turner Diaries for ANM distribution. Searchlight called the book a
blueprint for genocide … the story of a clandestine neo-nazi ‘organization’ [led by a pseudo-mystsic ‘order’ of obviously Odinist bent] which takes on a corrupt multi-racial system and is eventually – and apocalyptically-triumphant.
Erroneously also, as shall become apparent, some academic opinion linked The Turner Diaries to the pagan Odinist revival in U.S. neo-nazi circles. Pseudonomously written by Dr. William Pierce of the U.S. ‘National Alliance’ in serial form in 1974–8, the book has since been printed in over 100,000 copies to become the representative text of 1980’s/1990’s international neo-nazism.
By 1986, van Tongeren shared both Pierce’s scepticism concerning the public’s desire to right tyrannical wrongs and his faith in minoritarian revolutionary action. The Turner Diaries anticipated a radicalization induced by firearms confiscation and state authoritarianism. Urban guerilla violence was described, which increased in brutality through to the acquisition and usage of nuclear weapons by “The Organization”. Integrative terror against its own people would herald ‘rebirth’. The Turner Diaries ultimately promised the nuclear-chemical genocide of all non-Europeans, an all-white world.
The Turner Diaries’ neo-nazism was a brutal doctrine of race, a cult of the “Great One” (Hitler) shorn of any social-economic scheme, a philosophy of right expressed in scientific murder. It demonstrated Pierce had no mass-mobilizing formula. The book’s cunning lay in inspiring a minority ideologically – and tactically. Pierce wrote:
Fiction can reach and move great numbers of people who are immune to other forms of propaganda … People who have no serious ideological interests … can be swept away by the subliminal message in a novel …
The book contained ideas-for-action: car bombs, counterfeiting and underground disciplinary methods. At a time when the ANM languished, and van Tongeren awaited Halley’s Comet and conducted sun-ceremonies, The Turner Diaries came as a psychodynamic revelation.
The genesis of the book went back to 1966 when Pierce, as editor of Rockwell’s National Socialist World reviewed and exerpted, The Lightning And The Sun by Savitri Devi. Goodrick-Clarke found this Greco-English woman (1905–1982) with a Doctorate from Lyons University and married to a Brahmin Nationalist, the crucial force for the neo-nazi assertion of Hitler’s aryanism. Koehl ensured the overt spread of Devi’s doctrine throughout his WUNS network. By 1980, FANE’s book service would offer Devi’s Souvenirs Et Reflexions D’Une Aryenne alongside The Lightning And The Sun. In 1980, WUNS waxed:
Nowhere does the flame of what she herself calls the ‘Hitler faith’ burn more brightly … No one is more a eloquent and passionate advocate of pure National Socialism … If … [it] … were a religion … Savitri Devi would be its priestess …
In 1982, Koehl acquired Devi’s ashes and maintained a shrine. Pierce’s permanent occult commitment to Devi was demonstrated in his Serpent’s Walk (1991), a tale of the aryanist struggles of a hero married to an Indian woman during the downward chaos-phase of the Kali Yuga.
Devi’s essential doctrine was a cyclical theory of human history centring on three “extra-historical beings” – Akhnaton, Genghiz and Hitler. Man’s original state of nature had degenerated, she reasoned, through egoistic anti-naturalism. Akhnaton who lived “outside time” could not restore the Golden Age; Genghiz who lived “in time”, came to hasten decay while Hitler with Akhnaton’s “sun” (idealism) and Genghiz’s “lightning” qualities (destruction), would rage “against time”. Hitler’s Indo-Aryan cosmology was eternal and with his passing, the avatar Hitler re-entered the Hindu spirit world.
In the SS order, a regenerative racial force, “the physical and moral elite of awakening Aryandom … around which the yet unborn race of gods on earth … will take shape”, was forged. Devi believed that “National Socialism – or to be more precise – Hitlerism … [survived] … after the disaster of 1945”. A new cosmic truth leader would take aryandom “into the sunshine of the new Golden Age” only through wars of extermination.
The ANM proudly affirmed its loyalty to Devi’s esotericism. ANM proclaimed that National Socialism’s capacity to “constantly re-emerge” demonstrated “mystical identity”, a guarantee of future eugenic breeding and “racial health”:
National Socialism is a return to the true Aryan civilization. It grew out of the theories of Hegel, Schopenhauer, H.S. Chamberlain, Alfred Rosenberg and Savitri Devi …
Pierce’s code was understood and his career was within van Tongeren’s purview.
In 1970, after leaving the NSWPP, Pierce joined the neo-fascist National Youth Alliance, nazified it and renamed it National Alliance. Although he built alliances with some Extreme Right groups, Pierce’s ideological agenda dictated he build the esoteric core. Goodrick-Clarke theorized of Pierce’s politics:
The religious sentiments of election, demonology and an inevitable apocalyptic battle between Aryans and the Zionist-led forces of darkness dominate Pierce’s thinking …
However, he reasoned:
While Pierce’s political vision embraces quasi-ariosophical demonology and millenarianism, there is little in his published writings [as far as I know] to suggest a first hand acquaintance with the actual texts of List and Lanz … [he] may owe much more to the Aryan wisdom–tradition and the Hitler cult of Savitri Devi …
This Thesis contends that ‘Aryan-wisdom’ and Devi’s ‘Hindu cosmology’ are neo-ariosophical in the post-1945 context because they represent a racist-cultic-mystery-revelation. Such ideas should not be taxonomically separated from Ariosophy. Even so, there are five indications Pierce has imbibed and encrypted the original tradition.
First, the revolutionary ‘Organization’ described in The Turner Diaries was controlled by a core Order whose nature was hardly Odinist. Upon the book’s timeframe, the Order predated the Organization and was 68 years old in 1993; one ‘Order’ founded in 1925 was Himmler’s Ariosophy-influenced – ‘SS’. Second, National Alliance purchased in 1980, parts of the NSDAP archive – books on “European pre-history”, “ethnology”, “racial hygiene” and “ideological fiction” – material which reasonably recounted ariosophical themes. Third, the hero of The Turner Diaries participated in the Order’s ‘Rite Of Union’ ceremony complete with chants, robes, solemn oaths, rituals similar to the ariosophist New Order Of The Templars. Fourth, while Pierce was serializing The Turner Diaries he authored a set of ‘Monthly Messages’ in his Action bulletin directed at a National Alliance ‘order’ – ‘The Cosmotheist Community’. These Messages pondered “God’s will” for white race survival through “a new creed which must sustain and guide us” whereby “the forces of Light … (can) … prevail over the forces of Darkness”. Pierce believed in the ‘One Purpose’ not a “personal father-figure in the sky” – to achieve immortality. The Jew, a “sub-human bacterium”, was restraining the Aryan march towards the Creator. Aryan man contained the life-affirmative ‘urge’ and, to become consciously aware of it, “we must learn to read the runes”. The race was a biological unit of creation to be guarded from “symbolic difilement” such as “sexual intercourse with a negro or a Jew”. “The Cosmos is the Whole” and the Aryan was upon the Path of higher realization. Fifth, Pierce was influenced by Dietrich Eckart’s Bolshevism From Moses To Lenin, republishing it in National Socialist World and referring to him in The Turner Diaries. Eckart’s patron-role with Hitler was important; but he was initially a supporter of the Thule Society and his Bolshevism reflected intense manichaean anti-semitism. Reasonably, Pierce’s new synthesis justifies the label of neo-ariosophy.
The new simplified revelation, The Turner Diaries, was given to each ANM recruit. It was ranked with Mein Kampf. Significantly however, the book produced disaster in the United States where Robert Matthew’s ‘Order’, recruited primarily out of the Aryan Nations/Christian Identity movement, exhausted themselves in death and imprisonment after acting out The Turner Diaries’ basic precepts. This ‘Order’ was overwhelmingly blue-collar. It wanted the role of fer-de-lance for the neo-nazi political groups and Matthews, an enthusiastic National Alliance member, understood the need for large-scale criminal funding and effective co-ordination of the ‘politicals’. In contrast, the ANM would attempt to capitalize directly upon its own criminality and violence.
(e) The Construction And Destruction Of A Neo-Nazi Organization 1987–89
The ANM did not rush into violence, nor is there any evidence illegal actions were contemplated once the Right regroupement strategy was abandoned. Rather, the ANM demonstrated the power of repetitive sloganeering in the most intensive bill-pasting campaign in Perth’s political history. Some 400,000 posters appeared between 1987 and 1989, making ANM universally known for its opposition to Asian immigration and causing various prominent persons to condemn “racism” and “incitement”.
Van Tongeren reasoned that ‘success’ for ANM would follow prominent bill-pasting drives as it supposedly had for the French Front National and Melbourne NA in 1982–4. ANM posters were photocopies and crude: No Asians; White Revolution The Only Solution; Coloured Immigration: Trickle Is Now A Flood; Asians Out Or Racial War.
The ANM announced Perth was its “storm centre”. Here it would provoke a public reaction and State panic, simultaneously building a racist organization controlled by a neo-nazi core. The reinvigorated ANM also demonstrated via ‘line’ change, the slippery nature of neo-nazi politics. First, ANM relaxed its ‘anti-marxism’ stating that immigration was not a Fabian but a CEDA/state-capitalist conspiracy. Second, although the national flag was still used, van Tongeren praised the “Eureka spirit”, plagiarizing 1970 NSPA writings; Rockwell’s 1960 In Hoc Signo Vinces, which argued for the swastika to attract non-conservative fighters, was re-worded to accommodate the Eureka Flag. The ANM’s new hard position towards the conservative groups indicated radicalization.
In the 1987–9 period, ANM intertwined with Skinhead groups and developed cells outside of Perth. Yet, despite extensive national publicity and hundreds of enquiries, not more than 150 members were actually recruited. The new members were political novices, usually male, self-employed or manual workers, of average education and inclusive of some European migrants. By mid-1989, there were 100 members in Perth but no structured organization. The ANM had no formalized Committee or Rules and held irregular meetings. All authority rested with a leader, an important factor in the case-study development of neo-nazi group-violence overseas.
In early 1988, ANM then proudly bonded with international neo-nazism, chose to publish posters denying the Holocaust, featuring aggressive caricatures of Jews and blaming Zionists for Asianization. An anti-semitic propaganda campaign implied ANM’s commitment to international neo-nazism, regardless of media criticism from multiculturalist advocates or public indifference. This course also alienated the more ‘anti-Asian’ recruits. Jim King, an ANM Skinhead stalwart, advised National Action:
Jack has gone off the rails with his campaign … There is an extremely large anti-Asian sentiment in Perth which I know can be seized on … Unfortunately, Jack has put a lot of people off by ranting about the Jews, the Holocaust and Freemasonry …
For ANM, Holocaust-denial was a challenge to both media and State. In Perth, van Tongeren reasoned, the ‘Holocaust lie’ would crash to earth. This campaign did have a broken-relevance: 1988 was the period of intense Jewish pressure for ‘war crimes legislation’, which angered East European migrant groups. The ANM, already in liaison with News Digest International, sought support – generally unrewarded –from anti-communist communities.
By mid-1988, ANM reached a critical-mass phase conducive to a politically motivated violence campaign. This Thesis will subsequently argue that this campaign fell short of terrorism. However, it is not denied here that ANM intended this campaign would be illegal.
With a neo-nazi core inspired by The Turner Diaries, a populist focus on Asianization as a capitalist conspiracy and conditional friendships with Skinheads and conservatives, a network for action was formed. Later, ANM calculated some electoral opposition to Asianization could be generated.
While the ANM had become a volatile entity, particular intra-Right factors fuelled the push for action. In the wake of Liberal criticism of multiculturalism in July-August 1988, the ANM concluded that anti-immigrationists were radicalizing, weakening the constraints on action imposed by conservative groups. Privately, ANM also noted National Action’s militancy and anti-Establishment style which it wished to outbid, but also approximate. To eliminate Radical-Nationalist competition for control of the ‘future’ mass opposition to Asianization, the long-running smear campaign against National Action’s ‘leftist’ leadership was intensified.
Last, specific internal conditions encouraged crime and violence. In February 1988, a member’s home was arsoned as an insurance fraud. The ANM had never been flush with cash and the appetite was whetted. Trial evidence later given by John van Blitterswyk, explained that van Tongeren was under pressure from mid-1988 by a mysterious “inner circle” in the eastern states, to show results in order to earn massive funding. In 1990, the author published ‘common-knowledge’ material that stated Coleman had pushed ANM into The Turner Diaries scenario.
The ANM chose to arson Asian-owned businesses, to create a crisis in race relations and damage Asian trade and investment. ANM desired to panic Asian migrants, and in The Turner Diaries style precipitate them eastwards where new ANM cells funded by well-wishers and illegal operations would induce a revolutionary situation. Although this was fantasy, ANM did engender community discord. As the restaurant burning campaign unfolded between September 1 1988 and May 25 1989 (five were arsoned, the last also bombed), the ANM’s psychological warfare drew blood. Race Discrimination Commissioner Irene Moss, stated:
The racist poster campaign had an adverse effect on business and tourism … from Asia … the W.A. government’s business migration promotion failed to attract a single migrant … [whereas before] … the extensive coverage it received in Asia, enquiries were running … at 40 per week.
ANM posters incited racial fights in Perth schools; Asian martial-arts trained security men threatened the ANM and paraded to protect Asian businesses. Western Australian police conceded ANM had incited Asian vigilantism. In 1991, the Department of State Development noted long-term damage to Asian investment from the ANM’s campaign.
Van Tongeren was keen to construct the ANM through massive illegal fundraising. Inspired by The Turner Diaries, a series of daring warehouse burglaries in 1989 netted over $800,000 in convertible goods. Chequebooks were stolen and cheques uttered under the auspices of ‘treasurer’ Russell Willey, a petty criminal who helped himself to ANM’s hauls. Whatever the flaws of the ANM’s strategy, and allowing for the unprofessional and occasionally comical aspects of the ANM’s crimes (as described in evidence by John van Blitterswyk and in The ANM Story), it had demonstrated an aptitude for the politics of tension and directly encouraged, without intention, the Western Australian parliament to pass ‘anti-racial vilification legislation’. The ANM punished the ‘anti-racist Left’ through violence, bashing one activist during an ANM-Skinhead home invasion. There was no retaliation.
By early 1989, the ANM’s propaganda impact made it a target for State action. Inevitably, the Western Australian government sought criminal prosecutions. The mode of detection of ANM’s criminality however, has remained obscure. Journalistic reports said that “dedicated detective work and a tip off”, from “another criminal”, brought police to a house used to store ANM’s stolen goods. The arrests of Willey and John van Blitterswyk were affected on July 5 1989. Willey accepted an offer of immunity to become an informant-investigator, and through to the arrests of the ANM leadership and others on August 14 1989, police collected damning audio-taped evidence. This account, although accepted by Wayne van Blitterswyk who confirmed shoddy security, is largely the official version. In fact, police suspected the ANM of the first arsons and newspaper speculation was rife thereafter. Producer David Bradbury who highlighted Willey’s indemnified labours in Nazi Supergrass (1993), claimed inside information that ASIO had knowledge of ANM crime before the Willey rollover. In 1991, ASIO maintained:
Last year’s Report commented on the upsurge of violence from racist right groups in Australia, reflected in a large number of arrests and prosecutions. During 1990-91, ASIO achieved considerable operational success against racist right groups.
Naturally, given ASIO’s clandestine mode of operation, whatever “operational success” ASIO enjoyed against the ANM failed to be recorded in even the most guarded way during any phase of the ANM trial process. “Operational success” should be understood within ASIO’s brief as a victory over organized politically motivated violence. ASIO’s public statement places Bradbury’s allegation in another dimension. This Thesis asks two questions: had the NSW Special Branch recruited Peter Coleman as an informant?; is this how ASIO learnt of ANM’s ‘guilt’?
At the Royal Commission Into The NSW Police Service, and under compulsion, Superintendent Ireland detailed his informant “CC18”. This male was offered, and refused, telephone and vehicle expenses. Ireland and CC18 regularly conversed by phone and met periodically. Most of the contact was by telephone and CC18 was trusted sufficiently to phone Ireland at home at an agreed regular time. CC18 was recruited “very close” in time to another informant with three codes – “CC17/CC17a/CC20” – who came on board in May 1989. For some reason CC18’s actual Special Branch code-name was chosen to infer why the Informant’s Book recorded regular payments being made. Possibly the code-name was “Cabbie”, which appeared in the June 3 1989 entry in Ireland’s ‘Duty Book’.
On November 22 1990, Ireland gave Committal evidence against Saleam. He described his relationship with Coleman as one of “interest” in the ANM; he had spoken with Coleman on the telephone but never met him before this day; Coleman had provided “gossip” about National Action. Ireland then committed a deceptive perjury. He denied Coleman was an informant, but rather a “contact”. In fact, ‘contact’ was the Special Branch term for informant. Coleman also testified. He said Ireland had asked him questions by phone about the ANM and “this and that” but denied meeting him until that day.
In the period 1988-91, Ireland worked almost exclusively on NA and ANM matters. The Royal Commission caught Ireland for stealing large sums from the Informants’ Fund as supposed payments to CC17/17a/20 and CC18. Inferentially, CC18 was significant enough to have ‘received’ substantial payment. The other informant was code-named ‘Catherine’. ‘Catherine’ told the author that Ireland had information on NA which could only have come from Coleman. She said Ireland indicated in 1989 that he had met Coleman. ‘Catherine’ was vital in the National Action prosecutions. Her description of Ireland as a blackmailer, liar and bully was implicitly endorsed by Royal Commission evidence. The mysterious CC18 would have been intimidated into supplying information.
Suspicious traces abound. Coleman was never directly investigated by police despite his prominence in ANM. In 1989-90 he persuaded right-wing groups not to forward money for van Tongeren’s legal expenses or mount campaigns concerning ‘irregularities’ in his prosecution. Ireland told ‘Catherine’ in May 1989 that he had knowledge of Jason Frost’s possible involvement in the Funde shooting. Frost’s interest in South African affairs was known to Coleman. Coleman had Ireland’s home phone number and knew the whereabouts of ANM-accused arrested in Sydney in August 1989.
The combination of formal testimony and circumstantial information strongly suggests that Coleman was a Special Branch informant, but whether and when he informed on the ANM’s violence campaign must remain a tantalizing possibility.
The Bradbury allegation leaves disturbing questions: did ASIO know of ANM’s violence?; was it before the May 1989 bombing or after?; did ASIO wish to deepen the extent of ANM criminality by allowing its crime spree to continue? By doing so, ASIO would have gained time to orchestrate an allegation that ANM was involved in terrorism and not the lesser ‘politically motivated violence’ – and produce a ‘racist terror trial’. Certainly as Chapter Nine argues, ANM received a political trial as a terrorist organization.
It is hazardous to argue backwards. However, correspondence with the Western Australian Attorney General concerning Coleman’s knowledge of the violence campaign and informer status, drew official disinterest. The Attorney General declined any investigation because, as is usually argued in political cases, such detail was “irrelevant” to the original case at trial. The broad questions canvassed here will remain in shadow. Seemingly, the Deputy Leader of the ‘terrorist’ ANM was an informant; those who draw anti-racist moral lessons from the courtroom victory over ANM should accept that a manipulated prosecution may have occurred.
After the August - October 1990 ANM trial, draconian sentences were passed: van Tongeren - 18 years; J. van Blitterswyk - 15 years; John Bain - 6 years; W. van Blitterswyk - 10 years; Chris Bartle - 6 years; M. Ferguson - 3 years. Two men who murdered another ANM rollover were jailed for life. Other lesser sentences accrued. A “guerilla war against the public” was over, an unrepentant van Tongeren denouncing at sentence the trial process and the State.
3. Post ANM Neo-Nazism 1989-95
Australian neo-nazism continued on after the ANM’s courtroom denouement, as a
series of localized mimetic and Skinhead groups, neo-ariosophical circles and criminal gangs.
This Section records the retreat of neo-nazism into a bizarre underworld of provocation, confrontation, underclass lifestyle and petty violence.
(a) Mimetic And Non-Skinhead Neo-Nazism 1989-95
In the post van Tongeren period, the non-Skinhead neo-nazis demonstrated the phenomenon at its most ethereal.
On April 21 1990, Sydney electrician David Palmer, 50, and Coleman, founded the ‘National Socialist Defence Of Australia Party’ (NSDAP). Characterized by swastikas, brown uniforms and German ranks, it recruited some 30 persons between 1990-95. A tape recording secretly made by an opponent, revealed a fantasy group catering to former psychiatric patients and cranks. Nonetheless, thanks to Coleman’s extensive militaria business, the ‘NSDAP’ served as a vortex for literature distribution and information exchange with other neo-nazis.
The ‘NSDAP’ disrupted the Sydney Right. Palmer organized harassment of National Action during the period when political police were keen to suppress it and claimed untruthfully membership of NA and other Right groups. The ‘NSDAP’ went on to infiltrate AAFI (1993-4), where it caused minor upsets. Ultimately in 1995, Palmer appeared in a nationally syndicated article, announcing that “nationalist saboteur groups” would wreck the 2000 Olympic Games. Throughout the 1990-95 period, the relationship between Superintendent Ireland of Special Branch and Coleman quietly continued, which implied ‘NSDAP’ newsmedia ‘activism’ was actually State provocation.
In 1990, a branch of the American ‘Church Of The Creator’, a neo-ariosophical cult of importance to the neo-nazi underworld in several countries, appeared. Noted for its rhetoric about “mud races” and “racial holy war”, it remained insignificant. Another occult grouplet, ‘The Black Order’, operated in Brisbane in 1994-5. A participant said it was “satanic” and “mystical”, connected to an international body, and momentarily attractive to “ ‘death-metal’ Skinheads and other Nazis”.
Last, the neo-nazi comity was contaminated by criminal and drug gangs like ‘White Power’ in Adelaide in 1994-6 and the ‘reactivated’ Melbourne remnants of the ‘Citadelle’ bankrobbing gang of the 1980’s; but firm evidence is lacking for assessment.
With no leader-figure like van Tongeren, whose ANM also lived a shadowy half-life in Perth, non-Skinhead neo-nazism could only have involved sixty persons. While occultism provided a solid base for international neo-nazism, and van Tongeren integrated it into his system, these groups practised as secret circles. Unsurprisingly this wing of neo-nazism was played out by 1995.
(b) Skinhead Neo-Nazism
Despite longevity and a vibrant history of 1990’s activism, there is little historical or
sociological analysis of the Australian Skinhead ‘movement’. This Thesis provides further detail and discusses the 1990’s Skinhead lifestyle and activism within the context of underclass theory.
Skinheads, inspired by the British example, appeared in 1979-80, the movement growing slowly throughout the 1980’s. Skinheads maintained political contacts with National Action and later the ANM, although few were formal members of either. A National Action broadsheet in 1988 argued that Skinheads, if they were sympathetic to “Nationalism”, should operate an independent self-policed movement, and only those who wanted a higher loyalty should join National Action. This admonition was a recognition of the electric tension which then existed in the Skinhead milieu between the apoliticals, the neo-nazis and the ‘nationalists’.
Internationally, the relationship between the Skinheads and Extreme Right organizations varied. Coles recorded that 1990’s German Skinhead neo-nazism was generally denied ‘space’ by activist Extreme Right parties. The detailed review of Eastern European cases conducted by Hockenos, confirmed that a militant ideologically structured neo-fascist/nationalist movement, would shut all neo-nazism out of the market place. The American situation was different, since from 1985 onwards, the White Aryan Resistance functioned precisely to mobilize Skinheads as the hard-core of political racism.
The Australian case showed that National Action in particular, by virtue of its activism, visibility and ‘radical’ ideology, had restricted space for neo-nazism until 1989. It is arguable that ANM in the period 1988-89, and neo-nazi Skinheads generally, viewed this competition with disdain. Reasoned comment by some NA cadre confirmed the “joy” felt by Skinhead neo-nazis both at the eclipse of National Action after 1989 and media reports of rising German neo-nazi activism.
A number of Skinhead neo-nazi groups have been identified. First: the Southern Cross Hammer Skins (SCHS) operated in Sydney between 1990-95. Its Southern Hammer criticized “Jews” and “deviant poofter-trendy-dyke-commie experts” who debilitated art and music. The SCHS Melbourne band ‘Fortress’, became prominent on the European music scene.
Second: a Brisbane Skinhead push grew in 1990, attracting the attention of the Police ‘Suspect Generation Unit’. Some, inspired by Britain’s Blood And Honour gangs, fought racial brawls and smeared graffiti. In 1994, Brisbane Skinheads established the Australian National Socialist Movement (ANSM). Its twenty members practised with firearms, damaged a synagogue and published against Australia’s “ZOG”. A link existed with Combat 18, whose British Special Branch informer-controller disrupted the British National Party. In similar mode, Adelaide ANSM-Skins rampaged in 1994, while pretending a link with Brander’s NA.
Third: Skinheads were strongly implicated in a 1993 Perth Asian restaurant arson and other harassments.
However, Melbourne was the centre of Skinhead activism in the 1990’s, the ranks growing to about 200 in 1993. Groups such as White Aryan Resistance (1990-3) with its American affiliation, recruited ‘Die Hard’ Skinheads into attacks on Jewish property. WAR’s fanzine White Separatist boasted wide international contacts and a strong internal music-band-centred ‘political’ life. A provocateur ‘National Action’ meanwhile went on a “two-year campaign” against Jewish targets (1990-2) and another grouplet targetted Left groups in street confrontations in Northcote (1993-4).
Melbourne Skinheads demonstrated self-organization, daubing slogans, bashing Left paper sellers, damaging Asian and Jewish property and leafletting Social Security offices. Their particular attitudinal, social and criminological traits raise the questions: were Skinheads members of a rightist ‘counter-culture’ or an underclass fragment?; and how did their ‘culture’ interact with their politics?
It is noted that the idea of ‘underclass’ remains subject to ongoing debate. Concepts which may be useful here include discussion of the culture of “illegitimate births, violent crime … (and) … males who choose not to take jobs”. The underclass male exhibits hedonism, demonstrates violence as a measure of strength and retaliates for acts of disrespect. The family units from which the children emerge are generally unstable and sustained by social welfare. The sense of social citizenship disintegrates and the group feels “a stigma and loss of pride”.
It is not argued that all Skinheads were products of a family environment where impoverishment was both physical and psychological-cultural. Obviously also, the act of becoming a Skinhead is voluntary. Further, some youth who are neither ‘underclass’ nor working class, have freely chosen the Skinhead lifestyle. However, the evidentiary strands suggest a symbiotic pattern: marginalized background compensated for by conduct which intensified underclass status.
The Skinhead lifestyle was connected through 1980’s empirical observation to young male alcohol-conditioned violence. Simon Dinsbergs, WAR’s director, said that the film Romper Stomper “reasonably accurately” portrayed Skinhead life and its alcohol and racial-violence mores. The ANSM frustratedly characterized many Skinheads as
… a bunch of drugged out pisspots, backstabbers, traitors, cowards, time wasters, fantasizers, big mouths and in general anarchists … who refuse to take orders.
The milieu was obviously volatile and unstable.
A mixture of academic, journalistic and Extreme Right observation provided other basic data. Melbourne’s Skinheads tended to be young (15 - 24 years) with older leaders from the 1980’s period. They lived long-phases of unemployment or had lowly paid work. Males predominated. Members had little formal education and were usually from poor families. Communal living quarters and ‘squats’ existed from whence Skinheads might sally forth on political or scavenger raids. While not all Skinheads joined the neo-nazi grouplets, the music ‘gigs’ provided an organizational and ideological focus. A conformative terror operated to ensure political discipline. The 1991 murder of ‘Pommy Dave’ Noble by Dane Sweetman, 22, and Martin Brayston, 27, seemed an act designed to enforce Skinhead rules and occasioned by men from abusive and depressed backgrounds.
In line with underclass theory, Skinheads defined their ‘identity’ as one outside of traditional society. They had an appreciation of their poverty and their different cultural attitudes. Bessant’s criminological review maintained that Australian Skinheads sought ‘internal’ belonging and directed ‘external’ hate. In this sense their anti-Asian and anti-Jewish offences were rituals rather than clear ideological statements. Coles reasoned Skinhead music and dress style, in tandem with certain political action, sustained a pseudo-warrior consciousness. The provision of ‘action’ was seemingly the function of the actual neo-nazi groups which operated within the milieu. The quality of this violence needs careful assessment before its character is ultimately determined.
American criminologist Jeffrey Hamm considered American Skinheads terrorists. After reasoning that Skinheads use violence as “their signature trademark because it is part of sub-cultural style”, he went on to say that this violence was “for the explicit purpose of promoting political change by instilling fear”. Although this was clearly beyond the U.S. movement’s capability, Hamm stated that individual Skinheads were terrorists, if
they … joined their group to fight for the survival of their race … they must have engaged in one or more fights in which … at least half were against members of another race .. thus satisfying the operational definitions of terrorism and hate crime…
Whereas Jenny Hocking has shown that Australian Intelligence pushed throughout the ‘Eighties for a broad definition of terrorism as “any violence wrought for political reasons”, there was one suggestive Special Branch (NSW) statement that Australian Skinheads were being viewed in the manner described by Hamm. In early 1990, the Branch referred to them as potential NA recruits for a “campaign of terror”; ‘terror’ was then confused with “violence and thuggery”.
The author had some dealings in the 1980’s, with Skinheads who were the prime movers of the 1990’s. To assess the Melbourne groups’ violence as anything other than random and spontaneous, with the additive of ritualization, would entail a search for documentary or oral evidence to prove the existence of strategic-tactical planning. This Thesis found no such evidence and the author’s personal observation indicated a lack of this faculty in the Skinhead leadership.
Two inter-related aspects of the Skinhead experience were implicit in the lyrics of two popular songs:
We will never fade or die whatever you try to do.
We’re the first of today, and the last of tomorrow.
Skinheads not a fashion, it’s a way of life.
Here was the protest of the disinherited determined to endure; but there was also the cathartic symbol of rebirth:
The streets are still, the final battle has ended. Flushed with the fight, we proudly hail the dawn.
See over the streets, the white man’s emblem is waving.
Triumphant standards of a race reborn.
Hail The New Dawn!
The struggle to maintain a group identity via German Nazi ‘race ideology’ enshrines vivid images of a racial palingenesis. Underclass theorists point to the feeling of a lack of political efficacy amongst the new disinherited. Certainly this may encourage violence. However, political defeat follows because of the circular nature of the new faith. The neo-nazi symbolism of destruction and rebirth is publicly unmarketable which excludes the Skinheads from being the fighting vanguard that they supposedly wish to be. Isolation is inevitable, and with no financial resources and an internal culture of alcohol consumption, there is no possibility of genuine political action.
During 1995, Skinhead neo-nazism imploded. The revival of National Action and AAFI’s voting scores could have been factors which undermined the Skinheads’ media worthiness and pretense. Incidental factors (group breakdowns, imprisonments, burnouts) induced decline. Skinhead grouplets nonetheless, continued to function. If we label the Skinheads as an underclass phenomenon, a working hypothesis for their lack of utility for Extreme Right activism, is available. Their group-identity and the ideological-political forms necessary for group solidification and transcendence, conflicted with Extreme Right needs.
This Chapter defined neo-nazism as an international movement equipped with a neo-ariosophical mythic core and a typological set of ideological concerns. This description deciphered Australian neo-nazism where, at the lower levels of participation (especially Skinheads), the mythic core was neither understood nor necessary in the encouragement of political action. Although the weakest current on the Australian Extreme Right, it was a persistent, embarrassing and destabilizing influence. A special rancour was reserved for the Radical-Nationalists who were perceived as competitors for a notional radical market supportive of the ‘rebirth’ of White Australia.
The key figure was van Tongeren whose violence campaign disrupted trade and investment, and received a harsh and cunning State reaction. The ANM adapted the doctrines of international neo-nazism and participated in that movement. At the most charitable, van Tongeren was a latterday F.C.B. Vosper, that Federation-era radical who wanted Western Australia Asian free; more soberly, he was an unstable but frenetic activist whose syntheses of ideas for action showed fractured talent.
There were identifiable genesis-points for neo-nazism: random conversions; conversions derived from the literature distributed by the LOR and Historical Revisionist book services; the impact of the overseas movement, particularly the Skinhead music scene; the contribution of prior breeder networks. All these factors remained operative.
The division of the Chapter into three phases - Special Branch Nazism, independent ANM neo-nazism and mimetic/Skinhead neo-nazism - was an ideal typical one which allowed for different qualities to emerge during different periods. The political-police role in neo-nazi politics was recurrent. Pliable cranks and strawmen were duly manipulated.
The intensification of Extreme Right activism after 1993 (CAP, AAFI, NA), ensured neo-nazism’s retreat to the underground from whence neither underclass violence, nor provocation, nor pseudo-spiritual invocation, could redeem it.
 Jim Saleam, “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right”, p. 1, referred to Mark Sherwin, The Extremists, New York, 1963; George Thayer, The Farther Shores Of Politics, New York, 1965, J. Harry Jones, The Minutemen, New York, 1970; William Turner, Power On The Right, Berkeley, 1971; Denis Eisenberg, The Re-Emergence Of Fascism, London, 1965; Leland V. Bell, In Hitler’s Shadow: The Anatomy Of American Nazism, Port Washington, 1973.
 See Chapter Three Footnote 39.
 Roger Griffin, The Nature Of Fascism, p. 164.
 ibid, p. 165.
 Tore Bjorgo (ed.), Terror From The Extreme Right, London, 1995, passim. See Chapter Nine for this discussion.
 William H. Schmaltz, Hate: George Lincoln Rockwell And The American Nazi Party, Washington D.C., 1999, pp. 57-58, 270-271, 304-305.
 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Hitler’s Priestess: Savitri Devi, The Hindu-Aryan Myth And Neo-Nazism, New York, 1998; Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Blood Gnosis And Esoteric Fascism, New York, is still in preparation.
 Jim Saleam, “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right”, pp. 116–7.
 “Smash Refugee Police Probe”, Daily Mirror, June 19 1976. Edition unavailable for full citation. Copy of article without page number in author’s possession. Ross May, informed the author of his arrest for malicious damage to the Holocaust Memorial at Rookwood Cemetery.
 “Plot To Kill Bob Hawke”, Truth, January 26 1980, pp. 1–2.
 “New Party Hits Out At Asians”, Daily Mirror, October 15 1981, p. 13.
 Kevin Thompson, Letter To Progressive Nationalist Party, September 28 1981.
 “Blood In The Streets Over Asian Influx: Warning By White Australia Leader”, Daily Telegraph, October 23 1981, p. 2.
 Geraldine O’Brien, “White Australia: The Threat Lives”, Sydney Morning Herald, November 16 1982. p. 7.
 “Old Nazis In New Garb”, Tribune, October 28 1981, p. 7.
 Executive Secretary Australian Press Council, Letter To James Saleam, November 12 1982.
 Malcolm Brown, “White Australia Movement Warns Of Violence: Racist Group Seeks Recruits In Mt. Druitt”, Sydney Morning Herald, October 22 1981, p. 3.
 Australian Electoral Office, Division Of Lowe House Of Representatives By-Election 13 March 1982: Statement Of Results.
 Silent Scream, 1983, a 60-minute film, viewed courtesy of Ross May. No producer’s details.
 Australian National Action, File: Cameron’s Nazis, 1982–5.
 “A Wave Of Neo-Nazi Terror”, Newsweek, October 20 1980, pp. 14–28; Paul Wilkinson, The New Fascists, London, 1982, pp. 77–8, 103, 124.
 Robert Cameron, Compendium Of Radio Interviews, Tape Recording, no other details.
 Source: Confidential.
 National Action Chairman’s Letter, June 1984.
 Lyndall Crisp, “Harvest Of Hate”, The Bulletin, April 4 1981, pp. 1, 42, 43.
 ibid, p. 44.
 “Anti-Asian Crusader On Dole”, The West Australian, August 12 1987, p. 1.
 “Racist Disowns His Father”, The West Australian, May 15 1989, p. 3.
 Stella van Tongeren, “The Making Of A Racist”, The Age Saturday Extra, October 20 1990, pp. 1, 6.
 “Editorial”, The Nationalist, No. 2, August 1985, p. 1.
 Jack van Tongeren, “A Javanese Princess: Raden Adjang Kartini”, The Nationalist, No. 2, August 1985, pp. 16–18.
 Jack van Tongeren, “The Potential Of Australia”, The Nationalist, No. 6, December–January 1985/6, pp. 1–2.
 Roger Griffin, The Nature Of Fascism, pp. 196–7.
 James Saleam, Letter To Queensland State Committee ANA, November 28 1988.
 Jack van Tongeren, “The ANM Story: The Pre-Revolutionary Years 1970–89” unpublished MSS, Perth, 1991, pp. 40–60, 106.
 Jack van Tongeren, Hellenism Versus Christianity, Sydney, 1984, pp. 1, 3, 16; this was a reprint of a 1982 edition.
 See: “The Sacred Oak Of The Celts”, The Nationalist, No. 4, October 1985, p. 4; Jack van Tongeren, “Our Symbol And Motto”, The Nationalist, No. 3, September 1985, p. 8; Julian Carloman, “Love And Hate”, The Nationalist, No. 15, February–March 1987, pp. 6–10; Jack van Tongeren, “Early 1986: The Time Of The Comet”, The Nationalist, No. 11, June–July 1986, pp. 1–3.
 Jack van Tongeren, Letter To Sydney National Action, December 23 1984.
 “Editorial”, The Nationalist, No. 2, August 1985, p. 1.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, pp. 67–72.
 Ray Gillespie: as WUNS Representative 1981–3 Gillespie was told by Koehl that van Tongeren was a “man with a plan” (1983).
 Michael Billig, Fascists, pp. 164–190.
 Richard Thurlow, op. cit., pp. 85–90, 276–8.
 Jim Saleam, “British Neo-Fascist Politics 1960–75”, pp. 7–8, 11.
 Kurt Tauber, Beyond Eagle And Swastika: German Nationalism Since 1945, Boston, 1967, pp. 466–7.
 Martin Lee, The Beast Re-awakens, pp. 89–91, 157–8.
 Leland V. Bell, In Hitler’s Shadow, pp. 111, 116-119, 126.
 Ray Hill and Andrew Bell, The Other Face Of Terror: Inside Europe’s Neo-Nazi Network, pp. 121–2, 207–8, 272–6.
 Paul Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 9.
 Jim Saleam, “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right”, pp. 115–6, 160, 164–5.
 Jeffrey Kaplan, “Right Wing Violence In North America”, in Tore Bjorgo (ed.), op. cit., p. 46. This work drew on the efforts of Terrorism And Political Violence.
 Matt Koehl, Adolf Hitler: German Nationalist Or Aryan Racialist?, Arlington, 1974, pp. 7, 31.
 Colin Jordan, “National Socialism: A Philosophic Appraisal”, National Socialist World, No. 1, 1966, p. 6.
 Matt Koehl, Adolf Hitler, pp. 13, 15, 21–26; for the actual nature of Nazi anti-Slavism: Heinz Hohne, The Order Of The Death’s Head: The Story Of Hitler’s SS, London, 1969, pp. 460–470.
 Colin Jordan, “Fascism And National Socialism”, The Northern European, No. 2, August–September 1960, pp. 1, 3.
 Matt Koehl, Some Guidelines For The Development Of The National Socialist Movement, Arlington, 1969, pp. 10–11.
 Matt Koehl, The Future Calls, Aarhus, 1976, pp. 5, 11.
 Matt Koehl, “Hitlerism: Faith Of The Future”, The National Socialist, No. 4, Spring 1982, pp. 12, 16.
 Harold A. Covington, “Adolf Hitler: A Living Spirit”, The New Order, No. 13, April–May 1978, p. 7.
 Colin Jordan, Victory In Europe: Whose And For What?, Harrowgate, 1985; “Leon Degrelle And the Crusade For Europe”, National Vanguard, No. 67, March 1979, pp. 13–16, for a U.S. neo-nazi mythologization of Hitler’s war. BP Productions Catalogue, Clywd, 1980, for nazi memorabilia, wartime histories.
 For the New European Order’s ideology, see Kurt Tauber, op. cit., pp. 212–3; and Courrier Du Continent: Bulletin Du Nouvelle Ordre European, No. 208, March 1977, for the European project.
 Blood In The Face, Right Thinking Productions, New York, 1991, broadcast ABC Television January 23 1996. A documentary which recorded verbatim a U.S. neo-nazi conference 1986.
 Michigan Briefing, Vol. VII, No. 21, May 1986, passim.
 Yaron Svoray and Nick Taylor, In Hitler’s Shadow: An Israeli’s Journey Inside Germany’s Neo-Nazi Movement, Melbourne, 1994, pp. 24–26; its cinematic sequel – The Infiltrator, HBO Pictures, 1994, popularized neo-nazi ‘sadism’.
 Anon, Why I Am A Racist?, Perth, 1983.
 The differentialist view from: Jean Marie Le Pen, Pour La France: Programme Du Front National, Paris, 1985, pp. 110–124; Actes Du XV Colloque National Du GRECE: La Cause Du Peuples, Paris, 1982, passim; Werner Olles, “Racial Hatred Versus Multiracialism: Time For Another Choice”, Scorpion, No. 9, Spring 1986, p. 11.
 Michael McLaughlin, For Those Who Cannot Speak, Southam, 1977; Richard Harwood, Did Six Million Really Die?, 1976; Richard Harwood, Nuremberg And Other War Crimes Trials: A New Look, Southam, 1978. These pamphlets popular in Britain, would be complemented by the extensive Ernst Zundel 1980’s Holocaust revisionist material arising from his trial in Canada for Holocaust-denial. Various items in the author’s possession.
 Aryeh Neier, Defending My Enemy: Skokie, American Nazis, And The Limits Of Freedom, New York, 1979, p. 34.
 See: Against The Red Front, British Movement poster featuring a stylized stormtrooper, 1980. Smash Communism, sticker of the Irish National Socialist Workers’ Party, date unknown.
 Paul Riis-Knudsen, National Socialism: A Left-Wing Movement, Aalborg, 1983, pp. 17–18; Christopher T. Husbands, “Militant Neo-Nazism In The Federal Republic Of Germany In The 1980s”, in L. Cheles, M. Vaughan and M.Ferguson (eds.), Neo-Fascism In Europe, London, 1991, p. 11;
 Viking Books Price List, Waterloo, 1988.
 Representative Notre Europe and Le Flambeau Europeen articles quoted from the 28 numbers 1978-83 in the author’s possession: “Echec Au Regime”, No. 26, August 1980, p. 1: a cartoon which shows the various runic symbols together; “Nouvelle De L’Etranger”, No. 31, January 1981, pp. 9-14: various groups; “Nouvelles De L’Etranger”, No. 37, July 1981, pp. 10-16; “Nouvel Ordre Europeen”, No. 35, May 1981, p. 13, for National-European congress.
Representative CEDADE articles quoted from the numbers 1975-82 in the author’s possession.
“Revolucion En Occident 4”, CEDADE, No. 73, December 1976, passim. This magazine was part of a 4-part series which also reported on neo-fascism generally with perhaps the idea of cross-fertilisation; “Unidad National Revolucionaria”, CEDADE, No. 63, October 1975, pp. 7-8. These pieces mix emblems, organizational forms and self-descriptions.
Representative WAR articles quoted from the 10 numbers 1985-92, in the author’s possession.
“Aryan Youth Celebrate Uncle Bob’s Birthday”, WAR, Vol. 8, No. 1, undated: photograph links together runic symbols; “Video Tapes/Audio Tapes”, WAR, Vol. 6, No. 2, undated, p. 12: National Socialist, Klan, Christian Identity, CEDADE, Odinist and Skinhead material.
 Representative articles from each publication include:
Indo-Aryan Prehistory: “Il Y A 52 Siecles … Le National Socialism”, Notre Europe, No. 22, April 1980, p. 3; “The Viking”, WAR, Vol. 8, No. 1, p. 4; “Raza Y Poesia”, CEDADE, No. 151, June 1987, pp. 36-41.
White Race Internationalism: “Un Race Un Combat”, Combat: Supplement To Notre Europe, January 1980, p. 4; David Lane, “Alien Night”, WAR, Vol. 7, No. 6, p. 11; “Europa Y El National Socialismo”, CEDADE, No. 149, April 1987, p. 25.
Rudolf Hess’s Martyrdom: Each edition of Notre Europe had a front page notice concerning how many months of captivity had been endured by Hess; “Mitin Pro Libertad De Rudolf Hess”, CEDADE, No. 107, May 1982, pp. 4-5; Rudolf Hess Prisoner Of Peace, WAR broadsheet, provided with WAR in 1986.
Holocaust Denial: “Wiesenthal Bientot Condamne Pour Escroquerie”, Notre Europe, No. 49, November - December 1982, pp. 14-15; “Zundel Wins In Canada”, WAR, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1987, p. 3; “Zundel Vendecor: Holocausto Mentira”, CEDADE, No. 150, May 1987, pp. 14-15.
Jewish conspiracy ideology: Michel Leloup, “J’accuse Le Sionisme”, Notre Europe, No. 21, March 1980, pp. 1-2; “Thoughts From Europe”, WAR, Vol. 10, No. 2, undated, p. 7; “El Kahal De Neuva York”, CEDADE, No. 63, October 1975, p. 4.
Second World War Historical Revision: “Churchill, Un Criminiel Du Guerre”, Notre Europe, No. 41, November 1981, p. 17; “El Caso De Kurt Waldheim”, CEDADE, No. 148, March 1987, pp. 8-10.
Hitler Cult: “Rock Opera: Hitler Superstar”, Notre Europe, No. 19, January 1980, p. 12 (title in English); “La Repression En Allemagne”, Notre Europe, No. 23, May 1980, pp. 13-14.
 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, “La Renaissance Du Culte Hitlerien: Aspects Mythologiques Et Religieux Du Neo-Nazisme”, Politica Hermetica, No. 11, December 1997, pp. 188-192.
 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots Of Nazism: The Ariosophists Of Austria And Germany 1890-1935, Wellingborough, 1985, pp. 2, 5, 31, 44-52, 56, 90-104.
 ibid, p. 150.
 Kerry Bolton, Phoenix Rising: The Epic Saga Of James H. Madole, Paraparaumu, 1996, passim.
 Miguel Serrano: Esoteric Hitlerist, edited interview, Paraparaumu, 1995, pp. 4-6, 13.
 Paul Riis-Knudsen, National Socialism: The Biological World View, Aalborg, 1987, pp. 10, 15, 24.
 Insignia, published in Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania – for Norse cosmology, Atlantean myth; The Ravenborn, published in English, Athens – for Heathen-Satanic synthesis; Balder, published in Reading (U.K.) – ‘Nature-Magik’, runic lore; Fenrir, published in Shrewsbury (U.K.) – a “Journal of Satanism and the Sinister”; The Flamming Sword of the New Zealand Black Order 1993-5. It is acknowledged other such publications exist and this list is not exhaustive.
 David Myatt, Occultism And National Socialism, York, undated (poss. 1992/3), pp. 7, 10-11.
 Roger Eatwell, Fascism: A History, p. 225. For more on ‘national populism’: Chapters Seven and Eight.
 Open Letter From The National Committee Of National Action To All Perth Members And Supporters Concerning The Split-Away Of Jack Van Tongeren etc. 25-5-85, p. 2.
 See: They Want The Earth Plus Five Percent, Perth, 1983, p. 1.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, p. 82.
 Jack van Tongeren, Letter To James Saleam, December 23 1984; Jack van Tongeren, Letter To Peter Coleman, December 12 1984.
 Mark Ferguson, Interview, 1996; Open Letter.
 Australian National Action, Taped Record Second National Conference Of ANA, April 1985.
 Jack van Tongeren, Letter To Darryl Wallbridge, April 12 1985.
 Jack van Tongeren, Letter To Andrew Guild, February 22 1985 – for further comments on Ruxton’s course see Chapters Seven and Eight.
 See: The Nationalist, No. 5, November 1985, pp. 5–6, 1–4.
 Jack van Tongeren, Letter To James Saleam, May 22 1985.
 Open Letter; Wendy Bacon, “Have Guns Will Travel”, The National Times, June 10–16 1983, pp. 20, 22, 24, deals with the WACL group which must have been van Tongeren’s contact in 1984–5.
 “Blueprint For Genocide”, Searchlight, No. 129, March 1986, pp. 1, 10–11.
 Tore Bjorgo, “Introduction”, in Tore Bjorgo (ed.), op.cit., p. 15.
 “The Spirit Of ’75: Reprinted From Attack!”, The Nationalist, No. 26, December 1988–March 1989, pp. 7–9. Attack! had been Pierce’s newspaper; this article appeared in May 1975 implying ANM was very familiar with the corpus of Pierce’s work.
 Andrew Macdonald, The Turner Diaries, pirate edition, pp. 205–211. Hereafter William Pierce is given as the author.
 National Alliance Bulletin, April 1978, p. 1.
 Mark Ferguson.
 Savitri Devi, “The Lightning And The Sun”, National Socialist World, No. 1, Spring 1966, pp.13-90; this article was extracts of the book with Pierce’s introduction. It seems this was Devi’s debut for the WUNS.
 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Hitler’s Priestess, pp. 7-8, 22, 71-72, 211-232.
 Untitled sections in, Notre Europe, No. 14, August 1979, p. 16; Notre Europe, No. 19, January 1980, p. 16; FANE Service Libraire, leaflet, 1980.
 “Who Was Adolf Hitler?”, The National Socialist, No. 4, Spring 1982, p. 26.
 Randolph D. Calverhall, Serpent’s Walk, Hillsboro, 1991, pp. 92-3, 428, 435-6, 449. ‘Calverhall’ is a pseudonym for Pierce.
 Savitri Devi, The Lightning And The Sun, Paraparaumu Beach, undated, pp. 14–16, 35–36, 44, 76–8; Savitri Devi, “Hitlerism And The Hindu World”, The National Socialist, No. 2, Summer 1981, pp. 8–12, described Hitler’s politics as linked to “orthodox Hinduism”.
 Savitri Devi, The Lightning And The Sun, Calcutta, 1958, pp. 374-79, 382-83.
 Savitri Devi, The Lightning And The Sun, Paraparaumu Beach, undated, p. 80.
 ibid, p. 83.
 “What Is National Socialism?”, The Nationalist, No. 21, February–March 1988, p. 17.
 For the steady nazification of NYA see: National Alliance Bulletin, February–March 1978, pp. 1–7, an official ‘history’ of NYA–NA; Devi wrote of NSDAP: “It has since 1945 ceased to exist … even if it be one day, destined to rise again under its own name and everlasting sign will it never be restored exactly as before. Cannot be for it belongs to time and in time, nothing is even restored. Should not be for restoration would mean stagnation whence incapacity to face new circumstances …” Oddly this foreshadowed the NSWPP/NYA, or mimetic versus innovative division in neo-nazism.
 Dr. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Letter To James Saleam, October 23 1997, p. 2.
 ibid; recently however in National Vanguard Catalogue No. 17, Pierce offered for sale Guido von List’s The Secret Of The Runes.
 William Pierce, The Turner Diaries, pp. 73–4, 203–4.
 National Alliance Bulletin, October 1980, p. 2.
 William Pierce, op.cit., pp. 203–4; Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, The Occult Roots, pp. 129–130; Pierce’s ‘Cosmotheist Community’ by the 1990’s practised similar rites. See: Brad Whitsel, “Aryan Visions For The Future In The West Virginia Mountains”, Terrorism And Political Violence, Vol. 7, No. 4, Winter 1995, p. 130.
 “A Message From Dr Pierce”, Action: Internal Bulletin Of National Alliance, No. 45, November 1975, pp. 1–3. (Hereafter ‘Action’).
 “Monthly Message iii”, Action, No. 47, January 1976, pp. 5–6.
 “Monthly Message v”, Action, No. 49, March 1976, pp. 2–3.
 “Monthly Message vi”, Action, No. 50, April 1976, pp. 2–6.
 “Monthly Message vii”, Action, No. 51, May 1976, p. 1.
 “Who We Are”, National Vanguard, No. 60, May 1978, pp. 5–7, 13 – a racialized version of the Messages and which purported to be history.
 Dietrich Eckart, “Bolshevism From Moses To Lenin”, National Socialist World, No. 1, Fall 1966, pp 13-33; The Turner Diaries, p. (iii).
 Australian National Action, Folio Of ANM Clippings: David Humphreys, “Movement Had Terror Plan, Court Told”, The Age, August 10 1990; “Neo-Nazi Text Outlines Plan For Genocide”, The Advertiser, August 21 1990. Hereafter unpaginated clippings quoted come from this File. For brevity ANM Folio shall be quoted only. The Folio is in the care of the author.
 Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt, The Silent Brotherhood: Inside America’s Racist Underground, New York, 1989, pp. 46–68.
 ibid, pp. 4, 6, 306–7.
 National Alliance Bulletin, November 1981, pp. 1–3.
 Mark Ferguson.
 ANM Folio: Mark Thornton, “Stepping Beyond Black And White”, The West Australian, August 6 1987; “Hill Calls For Report On Anti-Racism Law”, The West Australian, August 5 1987: these articles referred to Police Minister Gordon Hill, Professor Laskini Jayasuriya, Doron Ur, Jewish community leader.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, p. 75.
 Copies of these and other posters in author’s possession.
 Jack van Tongeren, op.cit., p. 82.
 Jack van Tongeren, Crucial Issues For Australia, Perth, 1985, pp. 3–6, 22, 43, argued the Fabian marxist case; the new position: “Behind Australia’s Immigration Policy: Bureaucrats, Mega-Bucks, Mendacity”, The Nationalist, No. 16, April–May 1987, pp. 1–6; Julian Carloman, “Immigration To The Land Of Immigrants”, The Nationalist, No. 20, December 1987–January 1988, pp. 1–9; one National Action text was copied directly: “AICS: Acquired International CEDA Syndrome”, The Nationalist, No. 21, February–March 1988, pp. 10–11.
 Jack van Tongeren, “The Spirit Of Eureka”, The Nationalist, No. 15, February–March 1987, pp. 3–4.
 ibid, pp. 3–4.
 Mark Ferguson; Minutes Of The 1989 Australian National Action Conference, Day Two.
 James Saleam, conversations with Wayne van Blitterswyk, John van Blitterswyk, Mark Ferguson, Perth, February 1989.
 ibid; “ANM Badly Led-Defendant”, The West Australian, September 6 1990, p. 3.
 Ehud Sprinzak, “Right-Wing Terrorism In Comparative Perspective”, in Tore Bjorgo (ed.), op.cit., p. 40.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, pp. 166, 363; Jews Are Ruining Your Life, ANM poster, 1988. The caricature was from German Nazi propaganda.
 Jim King, Letter To National Action, December 14 1988; Jim King, Letter To James Saleam, January 14 1989.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, pp. 171, 186.
 See advertisements for News Digest International, in The Nationalist, numbers 20, 21, 23, 24.
 Western Australian Electoral Commission, 1989 Helena District Results. Van Tongeren: 375 votes, 2.11%.
 Julian Carloman, “Asianization Under Fire”, The Nationalist, No. 24, August-September 1988, pp. 1-4; Jack van Tongeren, “The Fighting Business”, loc.cit., pp. 12-14.
 Mark Ferguson.
 “Meanwhile: About Those Who Wish To Defame NA”, Ultra, No. 48, January 1988, p. 2.
 ANM Folio: “Arsonist Afraid Of Group, Judge Told”, The West Australian, April 5 1990.
 “White Supremacists Claim VIP Backing”, The Australian, September 4 1990, p. 6; “Nazis Had $20M Offer, Court Told”, Daily Telegraph, September 4 1990, p. 16.
 Jim Saleam, We Accuse: The State Conspiracy Against National Action And The Australian Nationalists Movement, Sydney, 1990, pp. 21-22.
 ANM Folio: Roy Gibson, “Riots, Anarchy Aim Of ANM Leaders: Informer”, The West Australian, August 11 1990; “Movement Had Asian Terror Plan, Court Told”, The Age, August 1990; The Turner Diaries, pp. 153-4.
 Irene Moss, “The National Inquiry Into Racist Violence”, Without Prejudice, No. 1, September 1990, p. 12.
 ANM Folio: “School Plastered In Racist Posters”, The West Australian, May 23 1989; “Violence Feared In Poster War”, The West Australian, May 8 1989.
 ibid: “Ninjas To Combat Racism”, The West Australian, May 11 1989; “Ninjas V. Racists”, Sunday Times, May 28 1989.
 “Police Chief Urges Asians To Join Force”, Daily News, December 13 1989, p. 1.
 Caroline Lacy, “Racist Tag Hurting W.A.”, South Western Times, July 4 1991, p. 1.
 ANM Folio: Roy Gibson, “Operation Jackhammer”, The West Australian, September 22 1990.
 ANM Folio: Roy Gibson, “I Was Led By Greed, Informer Tells Court”, The West Australian, August 21 1990.
 ibid: “Witness Tells Jury Of ‘Mr Magoo’ Tactics”, The West Australian, September 4 1990.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, pp. 216-218.
 ANM Folio: Steven Loxley, “Dowding To Check Race Law”, The West Australian, May 16 1989.
 ibid: “Skinhead Jailed For Gang Raid On House”, The West Australian, July 13 1989.
 Roy Gibson, “Operation Jackhammer, op.cit.
 Kate Evans, “Racist Bomber! Now He Lives In Fear”, New Idea, September 21 1991, pp. 42-3.
 Wayne van Blitterswyk, Letter To James Saleam, September 17 1997.
 Jack van Tongeren, The ANM Story, p. 220; ANM Folio, “Racist Theory On Bombing”, West Australian, May 24 1989.
 David Bradbury, quoted in, Ean Higgins, “Soldier Of Misfortune: The Making Of A Neo-Nazi”, Weekend Australian, June 19-20 1993, p. 7.
 Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, Report To Parliament 1990-91, Canberra, 1991, p. 37. See also Chapter Five, Footnote 223.
 Neville Ireland, in evidence, Transcript Of The Royal Commission Into The New South Wales Police Service, pp. 37034, 37035, 37036. ‘CC18’ was a Royal Commission code.
 ibid, p. 37089.
 ibid, p. 37091.
 ibid., pp. 37070, 37090.
 ibid., p. 37089.
 Neville Ireland, Duty Book, June 3 1989, photocopy, held in James Saleam, Application To The Supreme Court Of New South Wales. Cabbie’s information seemed to relate to Jason Frost (see Section 3).
 Neville Ireland in evidence, Committal Transcript, in R. v. James Saleam, District Court Criminal Registry File, No. 21/90/1725, pp. 11-15, 21-22.
 New South Wales Parliamentary Privacy Committee, The Special Branch: Criminal Records In N.S.W., Sydney, March 1978, pp. 4-7.
 Peter Coleman in evidence, Committal Transcript, op.cit., pp. 46, 49.
 Transcript Of The Royal Commission, pp. 37029-37035.
 Catherine; Transcript Of The Royal Commission, March 11, 12, 13, 1997, passim.
 Michael Brander, reporting conversation with Coleman. The author was told this personally by Coleman on December 12 1989 during a discussion about the ANM arrests.
 James Saleam and Michael Brander, Folio Of Correspondence, 1990-1; Mark Ferguson.
 Australian Security Intelligence Organisation, Report To Parliament 1986-7, Canberra, 1987, p. 15; ASIO once recognized the theoretical difference.
 Hon. Peter Foss Q.C. M.L.C., Attorney General For Western Australia, Letter To James Saleam, May 15 1998.
 Judge D. Hammond, Sentencing Of Jack Van Tongeren, September 20 1990, p. 68.
 Jack van Tongeren, Statement At Sentence, September 20 1990, passim.
 Personal computation based upon discussions with: David Palmer in 1997-8; Ross May; other persons with connections to Sydney’s neo-nazi underground or persons who had conversed with them.
 Tape recording: David Palmer Telephone Conversation, 1994. In author’s possession, a tape recording with the voices of David Palmer and a person who wished to remain anonymous.
 “Preaching The Politics Of Hate”, Daily Telegraph Mirror, July 2 1991, pp. 10-11.
 Peter Krumins, Interview, 1996. Krumins was AAFI’s NSW Secretary in 1995-6.
 Jacqueline Lunn, “Loose Cannons”, Daily Telegraph, November 11 1995, pp. 36-37.
 Richard Masey, “The Taxi You ‘Sieg Heil’ For Racism”, Sydney Morning Herald, July 20 1990,
 For COTC doctrine: Ben Klassen, Nature’s Eternal Religion, Otto, 1974; for Klassen’s likely Jewish ancestory: Harold Covington’s Resistance, Nos. 2, 4, 6, 7 (1990-91).
 Rod Smith, telephone conversation with author, September 1997; Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Hitler’s Priestess, pp. 221-2, for discussion of the international ‘Black Order’.
 Geoff Wilkinson, “Iceman Died As He Lived: Violently”, Herald Sun, February 2 1996, p. 8.
 Personal computation based upon the discussions with participants. See also Note 187.
 Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, “Les Magiciens En Chemise Noire”, Le Nouvelle Observateur, November 1996, pp. 92-94.
 Jim Saleam, Skinheads And National Revolution, NA leaflet, 1988. Personal observation forms the basis for this assessment of tensions in the Skinhead milieu.
 Vanessa Coles, op.cit., pp. 55, 63.
 Paul Hockenos, Free To Hate: The Rise Of The Right In Post-Communist Eastern Europe, New York, 1994, pp. 46-49, 89, 216-223.
 Jeffrey Hamm, American Skinheads: The Criminology And Control Of Hate Crime, Westport, 1993, pp. 51-58, 72.
 Andrew Guild; Shane Rosier.
 Southern Hammer, No. 1, 1990, pp. 4-8.
 “Government Forms Police Unit To Tackle Violent Gangs In Inner-City”, The Courier Mail, May 23 1990, p. 1; “ASIO Warning On Terror: Extremist Neo-Nazi Groups on Rise”, The Courier Mail, May 22 1990, p. 1.
 “Skinheads Urge Curfew: Welcome Racist Guidance”, The Courier Mail, May 21 1990, p. 2.
 National Socialist Voice Of Australia (Official Newsletter Of The Australian National Socialist Movement), No. 2, April 1995, passim.
 Simon Dinsbergs.
 “Combat 18: Press And T.V. Exposures Prove We Were Right”, Spearhead, No. 351, May 1998, pp. 12-13.
 “Neo-Nazis Bash Five In Rampage”, Daily Telegraph, March 28 1994. (Actual edition unavailable for full citation. Article in possession of author.)
 Katherine Glascott, “Asians Fear Nazi Persecution”, The Weekend Australian, March 27-28, p. 7.
 “Neo-Nazis In Northcote”, Australia-Israel Review, 23 November - 6 December 1993, p. 6; See Chapter Five; Peter Fray, “Neo-Nazis Blamed For Attacks On Jews”, The Sunday Age, July 7 1991, p. 9.
 Charles Murray, “The Emerging British Underclass”, in Ruth Lister (ed.), Charles Murray And The Underclass: The Developing Debate, London, 1996, p. 37.
 Charles Murray, “Underclass: The Crisis Deepens”, ibid., p. 121.
 D.J. Smith, “Defining The Underclass”, in David J. Smith (ed.), Understanding The Underclass, London, 1992, p. 5.
 Lydia Morris, Dangerous Classes: The Underclass And Social Citizenship, London, 1994, p. 55.
 David Moore, “Drinking: The Construction Of Ethnic Identity And Social Process In A Western Australian Youth Sub-Culture”, British Journal Of Addiction, Vol. 85, October 10 1990, pp. 1265-1278.
 Simon Dinsbergs, Interview, 1995; Romper Stomper, Seno Films, 1992.
 ANSM, Letter To James Saleam, October 6 1996.
 Kelly Ryan, “Born To Hate”, Sunday Herald-Sun, December 15 1991, p. 21; Paul Robinson, “The Right’s Rough Edge”, The Sunday Age, October 24 1993, p. 11; Judith Bessant, “Political Crime And The Case Of Young Neo-Nazis: A Question Of Methodology”, Terrorism And Political Violence, Vol. 7, No. 4, Winter 1995, pp. 106-113; Simon Dinsbergs; Andrew Guild.
 Kelly Ryan, op.cit.; Peter Gregory, “Court Told Man Killed For Hitler”, The Age, December 13 1991, p. 17.
 Ruth Lister, “Introduction” in Ruth Lister (ed.), op.cit., p. 3.
 Judith Bessant, loc. cit., pp. 96, 109-113.
 Vanessa Coles, op.cit., pp. 8-9, 94-5.
 Jeffrey Hamm, op.cit., p. 62.
 ibid., pp. 109-110.
 Jenny Hocking, “An Analysis Of Australian Counter-Terrorism Strategy, 1972-86”, PhD Thesis, University Of Sydney, 1988, pp. 178-9, 337.
 “Radicals Recruit Skinheads As Thugs”, Daily Telegraph, March 26 1990, p. 12.
 “Skinhead”, Combat 84 Lyrics Sheet, copy in author’s possession.
 “Hail The New Dawn”, Skrewdriver Song Book, no publishing details, p. 21.
 Anthony Heath, “The Attitudes Of The Underclass”, in David J. Smith (ed.), op.cit., p. 37.
 Manning Clark, A History Of Australia Vol. 5, Melbourne 1981, pp. 109-111.