This Chapter has several purposes.  First, it provides an interpretative narrative of the Conservative Right to 1975, and the Extreme Right as it was to emerge after 1966.  It covers groups, personalities and activities.


Second, this Chapter builds upon the paradigm established in Chapter One to explain the relationship of the Conservative Right to the State in the new ideological environment of East-West confrontation and internal contention after 1945.  Some historical questions arise:


·           Did the Conservative Right develop characteristics different to those of the Right in the 1930’s? 

·           What role did it play in winning and protecting the new conservative State?

·           Did the Extreme Right emerge from this ideological-political terrain?

·           Why did an Extreme Right emerge?


Third, this Chapter concentrates upon political police involvement in maintaining the conservative State through a satellite Conservative Right and the development of auxiliary structures for the shadow-war against a revitalized Left from the mid-1960’s.


Fourth, the Chapter considers issues arising from the definition of Extreme Right provided in the paradigm.  Where did it diverge from conservatism ideologically politically and organizationally?  How independent of conservatism was it?  The anvil for determining its nature shall remain the Australian State as it transformed itself into the contemporary liberal State from the 1960’s.





The post-1945 Australian Right issued from inter-related factors:  an external contest between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. and an internal struggle between capital and the Left.  However, this truism covers a vast territory of ideological contest, class re-alignments and political contention.  The conservative reaction to international communism was officially expressed by Robert Menzies’s Liberal Party which took government in 1949.  Connell and Irving described the Liberal “mobilization” (1944-9), “which extended far beyond the Liberal Party”, continuing after 1949 until “a new conservative regime had been built.”[1]


It was a nervous Australia with nervous allies.  Deputy Director of the Commonwealth Investigation Service, R.F.B. Wake, observed the increase in locally distributed United States anti-communist propaganda commencing in 1944.[2]  In the 1950’s, as Archival references show, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) took an interest in public education campaigns to counter communism.[3]  Communism was perceived as an organized subversive threat and, as Moore explained, the paramilitary structures of the 1930’s were temporarily revived.[4]  Field Marshal Blamey and other generals directed “The Association”, a body of tens of thousands of ex-soldiers[5] with Returned Services’ League (RSL) overlap which, when wound-up around 1952, probably provided the expanding ASIO with cadre.[6]  With a regularized political police, strong armed forces, a Liberal government and powerful allies, the stability of the conservative State was assured.  Its ‘form’ had developed since the 1930’s and rested upon additional props.


First, the conservative State profitably and progressively integrated the bitterly anti-marxist Catholic bloc with its working class element into the Anglo-Protestant system.[7]  After 1955, Lord Casey did much to cement Liberal Party/Country Party alliances with the Catholic Democratic Labor Party (DLP), the political manifestation of the ASIO-connected ‘Movement’ and the National Civic Council (NCC).[8]  Second, underlying the viability of the system was fortuitous and state-directed prosperity.  It sustained a consumer-suburban ethos, which as radical critics argue, desensitizes ordinary citizens from critical politics.[9]  Third, the political police network of ASIO/Special Branches was extended in several ways by Royal Commissions into Communism and Espionage fused with the practice of eliciting information from, and coordinating, anti-communist groups such as the RSL, National Civic Council and Australian Association For Cultural Freedom (with its CIA connection).[10]  Fourth, the years of mass migration also provided a new bloc of Liberal support.  Refugees from communism, including collaborators with Nazism-Fascism, made Australia home.  Liberal government complicity in granting asylum to ex-fascists[11] was an open secret.  Internationally, the available human resources for the East-West conflict included ex-Nazis/Fascists, and the Archival record indicated Australian agencies were well aware that both Americans and Soviets employed their former foes.[12]


A Liberal Party Migrant Advisory Council was formed.  In 1957 a Latvian delegate described the Liberal Party as “the only fighting force against communism”.[13]  Lord Casey’s voluminous correspondence with the External Affairs Department and this Council, underscored that anti-communist migrant groups were regarded favourably by the State and their loyalty always encouraged.[14]


Loyalty was forthcoming.  In 1957 Jaroslav Stetsko, President of the international emigré Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations (ABN), visited Australia.  He was “not of security interest” to ASIO[15] and permitted by its Director-General, Brigadier Spry, to travel on a false passport.[16]  Stetsko’s collaboration with Germany as ‘President of Ukraine’ was overlooked, perhaps because:  “it is rumoured U.S. Intelligence and also the British Secret Service are still getting recruits for special assignments ... from ... ABN ...”[17].  Stetsko, though dubbed “unscrupulous”,[18] was treated as a Head of State and received by Sir Henry Bolte, DLP Senator McMannus and senior Liberals.[19]  His ABN helped organize the DLP/NCC’s migrant support.[20]  Further, as Aarons revealed, ASIO made use of these anti-communist networks for gathering information;  Lovokovic of the Ustasha informed on ‘suspect’ Yugoslavs.[21]


The Ustasha were politically encouraged by senior Liberals, William McMahon and Billy Wentworth.[22]  A faction of Serbian collaborators around Lukic and Rajkovic was tolerated, as it enforced migrant ‘discipline’ and conducted anti-communist propaganda in tandem with ASIO - which also tolerated its rival - ‘Zbor’.[23]


In summation, the conservative ascendancy forged a machine for control over new population groups and for repelling domestic labour and Left challenges, while integrating new strata into the evolving system.


This system was not static.  The ABN had branched into Asia, linking up with the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League (APACL) founded by the South Korean and Taiwanese regimes.[24]  A generally-ignored aspect of Australian conservatism was revealed.  Although the Menzies government retained a restrictive immigration policy, some non-Europeans were accepted, while the thrust of the anti-communist foreign policy brought conservative Australia into alliances with Asian governments.  The APACL had Senator John Gorton as its Australian contact.[25]  At ‘Freedom Rallies’ (1959-62) across Australia, Liberal politicians, APACL representatives, local Asian communities and ABN activists would assemble.[26]


The conservative State’s British civic culture and American anti-communist alliance did not necessarily mesh with ‘White Australia’ ideology.  Neither the literature of ABN nor the Australian ‘Captive Nations Committee’ it spawned in 1964, revealed any interest in the politics of race.[27]  The DLP/NCC always favoured scrapping ‘White Australia’.[28]  The subsequent amalgamation of ABN and APACL in 1967 into the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), with its Taiwanese, South Korean and Saudi Arabian government sponsorship,[29] provided essential background for any assessment of the character of the Australian Right in the 1960’s and early 1970’s.  It showed its commitment to the U.S. alliance and anti-communism rather than race or nationalism as the crucible for policy and action.


The WACL became an almost ‘stranger-than-fiction’ organization.  As an anti-communist International, it was connected to South American death squads, CIA drug-running operations and the dirty tricks schemes of the sponsoring governments.[30]  It attempted to affiliate and manipulate neo-fascist organizations and enjoyed a relationship with the ‘Moonie’ Unification Church.  Eventually, WACL representatives were significant enough to dine with President Reagan at the White House.  It seems that the WACL was an Intelligence-controlled weapon of the Western Alliance, not an Extreme Right force, but one dependent upon State power for resources and ‘targets’ for confrontation and violence.


In 1972, WACL acquired its Australian affiliate - the League Of Rights[31] - although as shall be discussed, the League was simultaneously being driven out of the government parties.  In 1972, as the Ustasha bombed Australian targets, its existence in the country was denied by the Attorney General,[32] but that year too Ustasha delegates from Australia attended a WACL conference in Mexico City.[33]  Long before in December 1964, Lovokovic, League national director Eric Butler, and ABN’s Australian president Dr Untaru, had met at the Croatian Hall in Sydney to re-welcome Stetsko to Australia.[34]  The circular linkages implied State complicity in most aspects of anti-communist organization.  Through ‘Captive Nations Weeks’ in the period 1965-75, Liberal politicians such as Wentworth, Fairbairn, McMahon and Forbes, along with DLP stalwarts Senators Kane and McMannus, kept effective control of official anti-communism.[35]


Jewish conservative intellectual Frank Knopfelmacher contributed to Captive Nations activities, indicating the allegations of emigré anti-semitism and fascism were overdrawn.[36]  In the new country, with the pressures imposed upon the anti-communist groups to conform to Liberal requirements, ideological quirks and previous baggage could be discarded or muted.  Although some emigres had been fascists, most were native anti-communists, whose relationship with German-Italian fascism was opportunistic;  changing countries and patrons involved no great leap in faith.  Commitment to authoritarian government and anti-Sovietism could be accommodated in Cold War Australia.  The involvement of conservative Jews in the united front meant that they understood the utility of anti-communist unity.  By the mid-1960’s, the dynamics of Jewish community politics produced a split on the issue of the emigres (and the League), the dissenting group acquiring dominance;[37]  but for the moment, the State ignored their concerns.


Significant to this study, the conservative State also utilized fervent groups of ‘auxiliaries’ outside of the core forces and institutions so far described, creating a network of satellites around the power-core.


In the anti Bank Nationalization campaign (1947-9), it became obvious to Liberal strategists that the “forgotten people”, especially lower middle class white collar workers, would identify with the party of capital.[38]  The anti-nationalization groups were certainly coordinated with the conservative offensive but were self-motivated and organized.  The Commonwealth Investigation Service identified a Wollongong Citizens’ Rights Committee, a United Women’s Movement Against Socialism (this Wagga Wagga group was actually the Australian Women’s Movement Against socialisation), and a Democratic Freedom Union (Riverina), which were linked to a network across New South Wales and in Brisbane.[39]  Communists disrupted these groups, and suspected their linkage with The Association.  Partly financed by the banks, the Rights committees argued that constitutional democratic liberty was threatened by Labor’s march to ‘totalitarianism’.  The Citizens’ Rights Association (CRA) of Western Australia proposed a set of objectives which became common:  defence of constitutional rights, individual freedom, the free enterprise principle, opposition to communism and socialization, and praise of the Atlantic Charter.[40]  The League Of Rights, founded in South Australia in 1946, drew directly upon these CRA principles,[41] and carried on the CRA philosophy after those groups successively  dissolved after 1949.  Indeed, League leader Eric Butler’s Constitutional Barriers To Serfdom (1947), argued the CRA line on bank nationalization.[42]


This 1930’s Social Crediter, who had no brief for the “private creation of money”, made a choice between ‘Constitution’ and financial reform.  Butler had condemned Menzies in 1941 for his regulatory economics,[43] but now they shared anti-socialism.  The League certainly and cynically received the banks’ largesse, specifically funding from the Associated Banks in Victoria.[44]  The subordination of Social Credit goals - which admittedly were only partly congruent with Labor’s initiative - to circumstance, opportunity and central anti-communist principle haunted Butler later in his career.[45]  It was the League’s first compromise with State conservatism.


The League had particular Social Credit and popular democratic goals but found itself immersed in the Cold War environment where a Soviet revolutionary conspiracy threatened its primary loyalty - the British Empire.[46]  Butler, a competent platform orator, could join with ex-communist Tony McGillick[47] and travel the country warning of the “danger”.  Together, they played small roles in the Victorian Royal Commission On Communism (1949-50).[48]  Butler’s anti-communist ‘schools’ of the 1950’s and early 1960’s were unremarkable and even employed an ex-ASIO agent.[49]  Butler’s anti-communism divided the world into ‘free’ and ‘unfree’ and made little public mention of his anti-semitic conspiracy ideology in which the Cold War was an intricate fraud.[50]


The LOR’s close ally, and McGillick’s choice, the New South Wales People’s Union (PU), organized hundreds of well-meaning “anti-socialists”, held factory meetings and had radio programs warning against communism.[51]  It took the money of business, and its leader Arthur Hebblewhite played the informer role with the Commonwealth Police.[52]  The PU assailed undemocratic unionism and recommended support for the Liberal-Country coalition - just as Butler did.  Although it did not share Social Credit ideas, the Union occupied similar ground.  The withering of the PU around 1960 assisted the League to develop a real Sydney presence and a national structure was proclaimed in 1960 with a thousand supporters.[53]


An assessment of the social and political characteristics of the LOR has value in defining the conservatism of the auxiliaries.  After noting that the South Australian League was challenging the CPA for worker support, the Commonwealth Investigation Service reported:


... leading members of the State parliament have urged the League officials to do their utmost to carry on and build up a strong following ... other Liberal Country League leaders are reluctant to give their support ... because they consider it may develop in the same manner as the pre-War Citizens’ League which became so strong it was capable of carrying an Election.  To combat the Citizens’ League, the Liberal-Country League spent £20,000 in secret ... [and selected] five Citizens’ League leaders as parliamentary candidates.[54]


The LOR was noisy and less bourgeois than the Liberal-Country parties, but faithful to conservative principles.  It was capable of self-organization and hence the fear it could acquire independency.


Spoonley has defined the similar New Zealand League Of Rights as old petty bourgeoisie.[55]  While firm membership data is lacking for Australia, impressionistic data,[56] and some academic work,[57] has pointed to both long term and periodic commitments from farmers, shopkeepers, lower-rank civil servants, rural workers, ex-soldiers and white collar employees.  Jessop described how modern capitalist government requires its “alliances extending beyond the power bloc”, and notes “the role of the support from subordinate classes based upon ideological illusions ...”[58]  Certainly the LOR demonstrated until the 1980’s, a subordinate loyalty to one or both Coalition parties.  While petty bourgeois groups may acquire independence of the capitalist bloc, as French Poujadism did, the LOR’s potential (1946-1980’s) was unrealized.  But was it self-limited by very special ideological illusions? 


The LOR is an under-researched phenomenon despite its longevity, membership strength and campaigning.  It was crudely dismissed in a 1965 pamphlet,[59] and later described somewhat overzealously, as a populist extremist, almost-cadre structured exercise in anti-Establishment politics.[60]  Others have merely described its programme (sometimes vitriolically) and discussed its structure and more foolish campaigns.[61]  Defining the League correctly would explain its place amongst the auxiliaries of the conservative State, its hesitancy in public mobilization and its antipathy towards Extreme Right groups.  Keith Richmond argued that the -


synthesis achieved was remarkable ... a core of left wing thinking ... [of] the goodness of man (and) conservative thinking ... from ... [the] New Testament ... [62]


Richmond observed a dependency on “Manichaean” perspective and thought the LOR “social-political religious”;  the LOR was “isolated” in a world of “apathy” and “evil” and its “knowledge” of the political order a weapon in salvational struggle.[63]  Richard Brockett described a veritable “ghost in the machine” which kept the LOR outside of genuine political action.[64]  This Thesis would develop these views to a sharper position: League conservatism has as its ideological core a type of gnostic-anglican Christianity with a manichaean-post-millenarian component.  The doctrine is addressed to Anglo-Saxon Australians because of their supposed mystical-racial link to a divine monarchy.  The struggle of philosophic ‘light’ against ‘dark’ is timeless.  With such a core, political action must be postponed until an eschatological moment arises with the reward for success - the chiliastic New (Social) Jerusalem.[65]


Despite often frenetic rounds of private meetings, letter-writing and leafletting, the League has been non-confrontationist and, even at its apogee (1969-72) totally non-violent.  This Thesis cannot record one case of arrests of Leaguers for violence or other offences arising from demonstrations or other open-campaigning.  The LOR failed to field election candidates.  It has described itself as a service organization, educating the public to unpalatable ‘facts’.[66]  These self-denying ordinances meant it could not become a ‘power movement’ and with its ideological core as above, would necessarily find the ‘world of flesh’ as corrupting as absolute power.[67]  Power was left to imperfect conservative Caesars, and confrontation with the Left stayed a matter for police.


The LOR enjoyed support from various luminaries in the 1950’s and 1960’s, including Sir Edmund Herring,[68] (Sir) Billy Snedden,[69] Sir Reginald Scholl, Sir Raphael Cilento, (Sir) James Killen[70] and Sir Arthur Fadden.[71]  Its peculiarities were explained away by Brigadier Spry:


... the Australian League Of Rights which is an organization of the Right-Wing ... includes in its membership believers in Douglas Credit.  It is also labelled by the Jewish Fraternity as being anti-Semitic.  Whilst this is to some extent true it, to date, has not been objectionable or obnoxious to any great extent and in any event ... [it] ... does not command a large following ... I have no reason to believe ... [ALOR] ... is a disloyal body.[72]




Spry argued also that the allegation of anti-semitism was misplaced or marxist inspired,[73] and the LOR was “basically an anti-communist organisation”.[74]  These  dispensations indicate the League was a satellite of the core conservative bloc, as were its close allies the People’s Union and Dr. Fred Schwarz’s Christian Anti-Communism Crusade.[75]


Satellite status meant no field for manoeuvre, electoral loyalty to the Coalition, anti-communist activism and, dependence on and devotion to, the symbols and legal arrangements of the State.  Satellites represented the privatized defence of the conservative core; as outer defence guards (auxiliaries) they served to harass the Left politically and sustain conservative ideological hegemony.  Hence, the League’s folksy, rural, Christian and popular flavour would attract a special bevy of conservative activists not strictly bound by party rules.


As the 1960’s wore on, a cluster of new Right groupings emerged which raised the question: was an Australian Extreme Right under construction?[76]


The ABN/Captive Nations migrant Right was a focus for new Australian groups to cooperate and act together throughout the 1960’s and early 1970’s.  The groups which became prominent included the Defend Australia League (DAL), founded in 1962 under the auspices of Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes.[77]  This “fascist without a shirt” of the 1930’s and an organizer for The Association, was an associate of Butler and a Liberal politician.  His DAL held Sydney meetings in 1962-5 calling for increased defence spending and preparedness.[78]  Support was gained from professional, DLP and army circles.[79]  A contrast - which excited some interest on the Left - were Friends of Freedom, led by Owen Warrington, a young airport employee,[80] and the Australian Action Coordinating Committee directed by Michael Darby, son of NSW conservative politician, Douglas Darby.  These groups supported by the RSL, Wentworth and Hughes, attracted younger Liberals, DLP and migrant Right activists.  Anti-war meetings and Labor politicians were targets for disruptive demonstrations.[81]


In 1966, Harold Wright DSO founded in Brisbane the Citizens For Freedom (CFF), with Captive Nations and LOR support.[82]  Over 1000 supporters were enrolled and Wright went on to support the Vietnam War with extensive public propaganda.[83]  A Young Australians For Freedom emerged in Victoria (1968-9) with transient student membership to defend Christianity, and Crown,[84] to support the Vietnam war,[85] and criticize “Communist and Fabian penetration of our educational system”.[86]  As a faithful conservative auxiliary, it provided recruits for the LOR.


These groups desired that the Liberal government should live true to its anti-communist principles, deal harshly with the domestic Left and prosecute the Vietnam War.  They were similar to earlier migrant rightists who urged ‘toughness’ upon the State.[87]  When in 1966 an independent Liberal was fielded in ‘Warringah’ against Edward St. John, and supported by various conservative fractions, the debate on the putative existence of an Extreme Right became an academic question.  Connell and Gould attempted to establish a framework:


When we speak of the Extreme Right we do not refer to ... people whose ideas and actions are wholly alien to the political beliefs of most Australians.  We mean rather ... political opinions on certain topics are at the extreme of a spectrum:  that they share much of their outlook with more moderate conservatives, but hold certain tenets - particularly opposition to communism - with an unusual intensity and have formed special groups outside the major parties to express them.  We do not mean that they reject the dominant structure of Australian society or contemplate violence against it ...[88]


This definition apparently predicated the notion of an Extreme Right upon intense opinions expressed loudly through ginger groups.


This was inadequate.  After noting the changed global scene in which the Australian Right was functioning (the decline of Britain and a crisis of American power), they conceded:


What we have called Extreme Right is not a new ideological system but a restructuring of old conservative ideas to make the new situation comprehensible ... [89]


Given the reference to the possibility some rightists “may develop a radical critique of Australian institutions and split decisively from official conservatism”,[90] it might be asked why the term ‘Extreme Right’ was used.  Connell was influenced by an extensive American literature which defined the most vociferous status-threatened anti-communists as Extreme Right.  However, this literature persistently equated noise with radicalism and confused conservatism with fascism.  It did not differentiate the Right typologically.[91]


Certainly, liberals on ‘race’ such as St. John, could apply the Extreme Right label propagandistically.[92]  Liberal Jewish opinion predictably located an “extreme” new rightism laced with anti-semitism.  Isi Leibler assailed the 1965-67 publication Australian International News Review (AINR) which attempted to coordinate the new native ginger groups.[93]  The AINR editor, Henri Fischer (the shadowy operator behind the ‘Iraqi Loans Affair’ during the Whitlam government), was disliked by Zionists with an intensity still alive thirty years later.[94]  The AINR which rallied Leaguers like Cilento, pro-Rhodesia militants, Warrington, Captive Nations activists, and Liberal politicians like Hughes, was a major effort to counter the Left.  Fischer’s role seemed one where all shades of rightist thought, including bigotry, were to be mobilized as a force against new social forces which were coming into vogue.[95]  ‘Rebellion’, youth culture, hippies, drugs and avoidance of conscription were shocks to the conservative ethos and ‘dangerous’ if utilized by the Left.[96]  Fischer may well have been an intelligence-operative[97] - which could mean that AINR was a ‘black operation’.


Fischer’s project however, misfired.  By August 1967, AINR was broke and the Darby-Warrington groups faltered through ‘happenstance’.  (Darby joined the army and Warrington moved from Sydney.)  A wave of action had crashed.  Nonetheless, from the wreckage, Sydney conservatives such as Lyenko Urbanchich, Geoff Holt and David Clarke, grouped in the Fifty Club, began their long campaign to control the Liberal Party.  Club newsletters would proclaim it to be like the British Conservative ‘Right Club’,[98] in the tradition of Edmund Burke,[99] and while “different, non-conformist and dissenting”, by no means “extreme”.[100]


This was a sort of transitional period.  The State was challenged not only by social change but by activist marxism and parts of the labour movement struggling against the capitalist core order.[101]  Yet moves were underway towards a more international capitalism (with a liberal perspective on ‘Asian immigration’) and the construction of new international institutions apposite to this order.  The ‘challenge’ had to be defused before the liberal State could swallow the ancien regime.


From 1967, the League Of Rights began to grow, reaching perhaps 10,000 supporters (1971), organized through its various divisions and ‘Voter Policy Associations’.[102]  With the onset of rural crisis 1968-70, the LOR’s manifesto They Want Your Land became a cry of the fretful.[103]  The ‘traditional’ view has the League infiltrating the Country Party (chiefly) and the Liberals, being received by Ministers, and dictating policy.[104]  Eric Butler, “the evil genius of Australia’s indigenous Extreme Right”, “prophet priest and king” of his “wolf dressed in mild sheep’s clothing” organization was held to be a threat to mainstream conservatism - until ‘disciplined’ by a multi-party attack in mid-1971 - 1972[105].  As LOR official Jeremy Lee explained, the League met regularly with Country Party (CP) hierarchs and advised on rural policy.[106]  It electioneered for the party and in the cities organized letter-writing campaigns and radio talk-back responses to Left threats to public order.  With the schism, some Coalition leaders attacked the League as extreme, subversive and anti-semitic, while others accepted it as an adjunct to conservative politics in unstable times.[107]


The debate between Brockett and Greason reviewed the inter-relationship.  Brockett argued that the LOR and Country Party shared policy-ideas - decentralization, cheap credit and anti-socialism.[108]  Between 1968-71 many CP members reasoned the Coalition was presiding over the destruction of the farming sector.  The LOR’s Can We Save The Country Party? urged a counter thrust, drawing instead a savage response from the leadership.[109]  Greason meanwhile, noted the LOR’s cranky pedigree and the partners’ different ideological assumptions; he conceded the Coalition used the LOR, but saw the break based on the “harsh” realities of capitalist agriculture and a rejection of LOR “lunar” ideology.[110]


Clearly, Coalition leaders caused the ‘split’.  However, while both positions contain truth, the complex interaction of State party and auxiliary organization was not examined.  If a new capitalism was under construction the auxiliary would be inconvenient, but the inconsistent reaction in Coalition ranks would demonstrate the problem of ‘liberalization’ during a period of Left challenge.  Neither Brockett nor Greason commented on the new Country Party messiah – Bjelke-Petersen - waiting in the wings, to whom the LOR would sell any pretension to independency.  Thereafter the LOR’s economic hokum and firecracker anger displays were a convenient deception to channel support to Bjelke-Petersen.  This auxiliary organization never wanted independence.


The strategies of the traditional auxiliaries however, could not forestall Left ‘revolution’.  The successful strategy would involve para-State connected ‘Nazis’ with a program of violence, demonstrating again the satellite nature of the Right.



2.             SPECIAL BRANCH NAZISM 1963-75


(a)          Some Preliminary Considerations On Nazi/Para-State Violence


Australian Nazism presents significant features which dwarf considerations of curious playacting and individual case pathology.  Superficially, there appeared an attempt to construct an Australian fascist movement (despite Nazism’s alien flavour), but in practice, it only represented a specialized strong-arm force of the para-State.


Given just under 1000 persons passed through Nazi ranks and the mayhem surrounding it, Australian Nazism received only Harcourt’s reliable, but journalistic study, of its surface history.[111]  Aside from one propagandistic exposé (1985), its secret-history has not become manifest.[112]  Andrew Moore considered Harcourt’s labour an “unsympathetic but unnecessarily detailed look at the Australian Nazis”.[113]  Despite Moore’s researches in auxiliary activism, [114] he missed an opportunity to unmask a similar phenomenon.


Australian Nazism was accused by contemporaries of political police connections.  The Communist Party’s Denis Freney, reminisced:


I was convinced that the cops and particularly the notorious Special Branch - Askin’s political police - either controlled the Nazis directly, or held them on a leash, allowing them to carry out a certain level of attack and intimidation but calling them in when they went beyond set limits ... [115]


Ted Hill, Chairman of the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), stated:


The secret police protect and organize Australia’s Nazis or other fascists.  Organizations of terrorists also receive their protection.[116]


Naturally, ASIO argued a different case.  Through The Bulletin it allowed publication of a 1972 Report on the Nazis, which contended that “personality clashes and police counter measures” restrained Sydney Nazis in the 1960’s.  After reviewing the internal histories of the “National Socialist Party of Australia” and “Australian National Socialist Party”, ASIO concluded:


The NSPA both old and new versions are avowedly extreme Right organizations afflicted by small and fluctuating membership, constant faction fighting around leadership positions, poor finances, weak and uninspiring leadership and depending on the flamboyant publicity statements for any public awareness of their existence ... [117]


This description was indisputable, but there was no mention of Nazi violence.  In 1976, an ASIO agent came forward to The Bulletin “to set the record straight” on the Nazis and other subjects.  His tale was wild:


Under the ALP, surveillance of right-wing extremist groups was intensified ... Spoiling operations against the Nazis have occurred and ... MOSSAD was involved in this, using local sub-contractors.  Some ASIO men disapproved of ... excessive zeal against the Nazis including an incident in which a house was burnt.  For a considerable period upwards of 100 ASIO agents were involved ... on orders of the Whitlam government ... the Nazi party consisted of no more than 20 members many of whom were either in jail or mental institutions much of the time ... [118]


The use of The Bulletin to release disinformation was known to the Left and Prime Minister Whitlam - who exposed this detail in Federal Parliament.[119]  The shrill 1976 article asserted that ASIO countered the Nazis, but it contained two obvious falsities:  the only “burnt” house was one damaged during an anti-Nazi riot in 1972;  there were more than twenty Nazis, whether in jail, asylums or otherwise.


The mention of MOSSAD was either foolish or incredible.  The report was factually flawed.  Was disinformation masking an unsavoury truth?


There are four background issues relevant to para-State connivance with neo-nazis. 


First:  Australia retained a Cold War ASIO/State Special Branches network.  As the 1960’s unfolded and the Vietnam War escalated, this entity dismayed at the emergence of a New Left, the Maoist CPA(M-L) and after 1970, the fractions of Australian Trotskyism.[120]  The radical Left intersected with youth and student movements, thereby moving out of Cold War isolation.  ASIO Director, Harvey Barnett, argued:


... ASIO devoted a considerable proportion of its resources to tracking the political activity of the CPA, later the CPA(M-L) and the SPA.[121]


David McKnight explained the late-1960’s Intelligence attitude demanded:


... the transformation of ASIO into an organization which launched spoiling operations designed to discredit Left-wing ideas and people.[122]


A Special Projects Section carried out individually crafted operations to enervate the Left, with ‘Operation Whip’ targeting the anti-war movement (1969-72) to ensure it did not foment urban-guerilla warfare.  The CPA(M-L) was a prime target.[123]


Second, the political-police considered the domestic Left as the ally of international communism and its civil methods the soft preparation for violence.  The methods of counter-insurgency warfare could be applied to a civil situation.  Since the New Left and the CPA(M-L) were conceived of as organizing political guerilla destabilization campaigns against university institutions, police, unions, cultural structures and other social units, under the auspices of secret committees with anonymous militants, the counter-response would involve irregular groups capable of answering the Left measure for measure.[124]  That the Nazis took this aggressive role was indicative of the ‘politics of the twilight’.


Third, former members and associates of the ANSP/NSPA confirmed that most Nazis argued a bizarre strategic construction of their place in Australian politics.  The author conceptualized this formula to interviewees, each agreeing it had been articulated by leaders and followers:


Germany was in chaos, threatened by communist revolution.  Conservative patriots had lost contact with the People.  The NSDAP stepped forward to do what conservatism ignored: winning ordinary people.  Business groups began to support the NSDAP and helped it to power.  ‘Today’ Australia is in chaos threatened by communist revolution.  Society is degenerate.  The conservative groups and the big parties are helpless but not the National Socialists.  Sooner or later, after we have proved ourselves, they will call us in.[125]


While Harcourt’s interviews found Nazis ‘pro-American’, opposed to the Vietnam Moratorium and supportive of the Liberal Party,[126] some fantasised a Nazi/Liberal government would be formed.[127]  Clearly, even if the Nazis affected any ‘independence’, they considered themselves, as the primary anti-communist force, allies of the State’s anti-communist political police and were thus simply ‘available’ for manipulation.


Fourth, Nazi membership had particular features.  Professor J.J. Ray uncovered the 1967-8 Sydney Nazi milieu.  He noted “brutally minded young men of limited intelligence”, tricksters, amoralism, and persons who listened to Hitler’s speeches while not understanding German.  “They have no programme of action or ... immediate goals ... They ... calculated to scandalize the Left ...”[128]


This Thesis opted for the high estimate of Nazi membership because it was not formal membership.  Nazi groups attracted ‘members’ for days or a few weeks or months, impulse-members who joined to ‘stir the reds’.  An attraction for anti-communist youth was observed by ASIO at the birth of Australian Nazism.[129]  Transient membership would have been a boon to the politics of violence: it granted anonymity.  Activist Nazis were also recorded as young males drawn from labouring or semi-skilled occupations.[130]  Some European ‘fascist’ migrants, former conservatives exasperated with inactivity and some intellectual fascists, were attracted.[131]  This pot pourri membership remained the norm which assisted the incitement or manipulation of violence.  The leadership, with the exceptions of Ted Cawthron, who gained a doctorate in nuclear physics in 1970,[132] and Arthur Smith whose intelligence was noted by ASIO,[133] was politically unsophisticated.  Subalterns such as F. S. (‘Cass’) Young, were untutored and resentful of any intellectual guidance[134] and easily yielded to the noisy violent activists in the pursuit of a Nazi-Conservative Right- Liberal Party alliance.  Certainly, motive, means and opportunity existed for the utilization of the Nazis as para-State auxiliaries.



(b)          Sydney Nazism 1963-72


The Nazi movement was formed by men frustrated by years of political isolation. 

Founders Smith, Graeme Royce and Brian Raven, had joined the Australian Party in 1955.  Its leader was Frank Browne, maverick journalist and editor of the 1940’s/1950’s gossip sheet, Things I Hear.[135]  Expelled by the Liberals for factionalism (1945), Browne meandered through Sydney’s political life.[136]  Jailed for contempt of Parliament in 1954, he then formed a party to express virulent anti-communism.  Smith, as an organizer, recruited hundreds of fearful anti-Communists and believed the anti-British, anti-big-party man, might develop a new Nationalism.[137]  Browne had been feared by ASIO:


Although ... [he] ... has not been looked on as a security interest, so far his methods and his obvious interest in security matters mean that he has to be regarded as ... [dangerous] ... [138]


He had expressed intense anti-Establishment interests,[139] but in 1956 whimsically dissolved the party, leaving a discontented rump[140] which passed through various crypto-fascist groups with colourful names: Workers’ Nationalist Party, National Unity Party, Australian Nationalist Workers’ Party (ANWP) between 1957 and 1962.[141]


There was little substance.  Royce was a greasy shyster often imprisoned for fraud in the 1960’s;[142]  he had suffered “hallucinations”.[143]  Raven, an ex-CPA member, was a street brawler and pornographer.[144]  Smith had abilities.  A dynamic platform speaker, he had sought out Colonel Campbell for advice (“join the People’s Union” - which he rejected) and Percy Stephensen (“the father of my beliefs”) who corresponded with the ANWP.[145]  Smith rejected the anglophilic League Of Rights but could visualize no base for radicalism. 


Australia’s fascist-fringe had corresponded with the nordicist British National Party and George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi Party.[146]  American Nazi stickers had been imported[147] - and placed upon Jewish property.[148]  Rockwell had a gimmick: as a ‘Nazi’, he would break the media silence about the Extreme Right, modernize it and construct an ‘International’ called the World Union of National Socialists (WUNS).  For Rockwell, brown uniforms and swastikas were ‘tactics’, but for others Nazism was good coin and he was proclaimed the fountainhead of neo-nazism.[149]  Smith recognized an opportunity and although he told Special Branch ‘Nazism’ was a “gimmick”, they disbelieved him.[150]


Tactical ‘Nazism’ was a pandora’s box.  Thereafter, Smith’s nationalist-fascist programme was overshadowed by alien forms which violent youth and pathological persons found appealing.  Nevertheless, Smith was more astute than council worker and ardent nordicist Don Lindsay, Cawthron and others, with whom he founded the NSPA in January 1964.[151]  He recognized there was a threat to the ‘White Australia Policy’ and a market in anti-Americanism as well as anti-marxism.


Other Nazi groups had emerged.  Royce formed a schoolboy Nazi ‘party’ in Adelaide in 1962-3, but it folded.[152]  An “ANSP” operated in Brisbane under Olympic fencer Chris Drake, Errol Niemeyer and Leslie Leisemann, an unstable, elderly, former Social Crediter.  Leisemann, their ‘godfather’, was described by ASIO as a monomaniacal anti-semite who feared communist takeover - “pathetic”.[153]  They were allied to D. Wykham de Louth, a lone elderly anti-semitic publicist, who had crusaded since the 1940’s; de Louth published avidly and maintained lengthy anti-semitic booklists.[154]  A ‘National Renaissance Party’ formed in Melbourne.  Smith managed to amalgamate these groups.


Jewish organizations, the ALP, the RSL and Premier Sir Robert Askin objected to the new Nazism.  A police raid for explosives at the NSPA headquarters led to Smith’s temporary imprisonment and other prosecutions, shattering the organization.[155]  However, on June 29 1964, just three days after the raid, the Nazi office was visited by an unlikely recruit - Ernest de Carleton.  A branch secretary of the Liberal Party, a Mason, a teacher of English to Chinese immigrants, an applicant to join ASIO and a soldier in Citizens’ Military Forces Intelligence, he quickly acquired influence.[156]  Probably de Carleton was working for ASIO when in January 1965, he founded the ‘National Australia Party’ to replace the NSPA.  It would bloc with the Captive Nations Right.  Its committee meetings were informed on and ‘bugged’ by ASIO.[157]  The NAP recruited Howard Williams, a widely travelled American with ample finances, who inter-linked Smith and Fischer of AINR.  These meetings were also ‘bugged’ by ASIO.[158]  The Archival record hints Smith’s subsequent revamping of the NSPA in early 1966 was steered into a specific anti-marxist direction.[159]  De Carleton, his recasting job done, faded into obscurity.


Thereafter, the NSPA was linked to conservative groups and ‘rightist’ Liberals who provided $7000 (1966-7).[160]  Smith could not acquire ‘independence’.  Trapped by the “gimmick” and anti-communist activism, he could neither organize independent funding nor recruit intelligent cadres - although he achieved openings to emigre Croatian, Hungarian and Russian groups.  Sydney’s Italian Social Movement (MSI) branch sent Claude Tomba, for “liaison” purposes, in 1967.[161]  Smith’s organization was unstable and collapsed twice in the years 1966-68.  Its achievements, a number of quasi-legal and illegal actions directed at the Left, testified to manipulation.


A new ‘respectable’ NSPA led by Cawthron in Canberra, and an ephemeral ‘National Democratic Party’, which contested the New South Wales electorate of King for 628 votes in 1968,[162] signalled Smith’s eclipse and the appearance of other shadow forces.


Isi Leibler’s ‘Research Services’ spied on neo-nazis in 1969, aware of the Liberals’ links with Ustasha, the LOR and Nazis.[163]  The Jewish community was uneasy.  New South Wales politician, Sidney Einfeld, had already called for the suppression of racist publications and emigre Right journals.[164]  However, as Left activism increased, such demands were ignored.


Reverend Jerry Hardy of the Church of God organized a rough-neck group in 1969 to counter ‘marxist demonstrations’.[165]  In 1970, it became the National Party “dedicated to a national rebirth”[166] and announced of other right-wingers:


The uselessness of these right wing tea parties is amply demonstrated by the never-slackening Communist hold over the world ... Communism cannot be stopped by the publishing of magazines ... by ‘informing the public’ ... [We] are prepared to go out on the streets in demonstrations ... to meet the Communists face to face.[167]


The National Party worked with Freedom Vigilantes (an NSPA front) and Captive Nations[168] against Left activism and the new ‘Moratorium’ movement.


Hardy’s militants subsequently defected to a revivified Smith who re-appeared upon a “patriotic impulse” to utilize the anti-war demonstrations as a “means to reassemble the activists”.  Taking advantage of crisis in the Cawthron organization, Smith relaunched Sydney Nazism in late 1970.[169]  Tribune commented:


... others rejected the electoral tactics of Cawthron ... the big majority ... had always practised the methods of the violent window smashing and physical attack ... [170]


The notorious Ross ‘The Skull’ May, who had begun his career in Domain red-baiting,[171] became a scourge of Left-demonstrators.[172]  Nazis bashed ‘anti-Springbok Tour’ demonstrators in mid-1971 and targeted Freney’s Liberation Bookstore.[173] Tomba recalled:


I took a couple of Smith’s supporters there but I was seen.  Special Branch detectives interviewed me but I denied it.  Smith said Longbottom had said to him ‘Tomba used half a brick ... Very inefficient ... Next time he should use a full brick.’[174]


Fred Longbottom, chief of Special Branch, had long tolerated the Nazis[175] and now tilted towards ANSP violence.  Smith avers he ignored minor criminality but threatened arrests for serious transgressions.[176] 


The ANSP, which recruited 100 persons in 1971, maintained some organizational structure with offices, enthusiastic meetings and on-going thuggery.[177]  It seemed to the Left part of a pattern of intimidatory Right conduct.[178]  For Smith it was frustration.  Aside from the violent, the ANSP recruited a layer of petty criminals and near-psychotics,[179] persons with no interest in, or capability of, developing strategy or programme.  His attempt to junk the Germanisms and constitute a nationalist anti-immigration organization[180] - failed.  Smith forced the ANSP’s dissolution in March 1972.  He strongly suspected Special Branch provocateur-informers manipulated its base level conduct so it remained an anti-communist street gang.



(c)           The Cawthron Interlude:  An Attempt At Neo-Fascist Organization 1967-70


In 1967, a new ‘NSPA’ was founded in Canberra with Cawthron as National Secretary.  It rejected “fly-by-night” operations”, designed at extracting funds “from the gullible”,[181] and espoused “professionalism”.[182]


Cawthron’s political externalia seemed like Smith’s with the propagandistic use of swastikas, anti-semitic references, the historical ‘loyalty’ to Hitler and alignments with Rockwell and the WUNS.[183]  He shared with Smith the secret commitment to an ultra-nationalist programme.  However, in the usage of ‘the gimmick’, he would affect some alterations - and articulate the Nationalist message.  Cawthron wrote:


... we must not allow our National Socialism to become merely an imitation or admiration of Hitler ... [do] not confuse us with certain individuals or groups who parade around in German style uniforms.[184]


He admonished:


The party must be unquestionably Australian ... If we ... seek to be the very embodiment of the new Australian Nationalism ... [but] adopt the characteristics of another country and people we will not only negate our own ideology but alienate the ... people.  In time Australian National Socialism will develop its own characteristics ... [185]


Whereas Smith had prevaricated, Cawthron challenged the conspiracy dogmas of the LOR,[186] adopted the Henry Lawson - Eureka mythos, took up the Eureka Flag[187] and proclaimed Francis Parker Yockey’s Imperium, a ‘classic’ of neo-fascism first published in 1948, as the NSPA’s philosophical guide.[188]  Imperium’s critique of German Nazi racial ideology (as a reductionist, anti-European chauvinism)[189] and Yockey’s 1950’s tilt towards Stalinism’s anti-Zionism and supposed racial-nationalist politics, alienated the international neo-nazi milieu.[190]


Cawthron’s strategic plan was to phase out Nazism altogether, after centralizing those resources which were available from this peculiar experiment.[191]  After 1968, he viewed favourably new anti-immigration groups and the importance of the immigration question to resource mobilization.[192]


Cawthron was “fairly aware” of particular “subtle and obvious” police attempts to direct the Nazis against the Left.[193]  He eschewed violence but kept up with some anti-marxist action.[194]


In May 1970, in the A.C.T. by-election, Cawthron won 183 votes.  In the 1970 Senate poll, the NSPA candidates did surprisingly well:


Table 2.1                Nazi Election Results 1970[195]



New South Wales


Kenneth J. Gibbett  11299

John Stewart  6376

F.S. (Cass) Young  1587

Keven J. Thompson  1658

Michael McCormack  2727

Katrina Young  370



Even if all Gibbett’s ‘top of the ticket’ votes were ‘donkey votes’, there was a minimum of 12718 Nazi votes.


Tribune exposed in close detail Cawthron’s arrangements with German, Croatian and Hungarian fascist emigres, who organized voters in their communities.[196]  Cawthron believed electoral politics could deliver more than confrontation, namely ‘independence’ of the political police and sufficient credibility to create a new type of organization.  He would use old Right clientele and NSPA activists for a new purpose.[197]  Cawthron had reacted to the satellite status of the Right.


“Nervous exhaustion” and a rebellion of sections of his group in the direction of confrontationalism, removed Cawthron from command in December 1970.  This conveniently coincided with the requirements of ASIO’s Operation Whip directed at the Left.  A violent course began as the Nazis trashed Cawthron’s strategy.



(d)          Melbourne Nazism 1970-73


Melbourne Nazism had never amounted to much with failed efforts from Smith and the activities of fantasiser “Juris von Rand”.[198]  In mid 1970, the NSPA found an organizer in street thug, Cass Young.  Young organized noisy city square and Yarra Bank rallies and opened a Carlton shop front[199] as lead-ups to his Senate candidacy.


Meantime, Melbourne’s radical Left strengthened.  In 1970, the CPA(M-L) sponsored the ‘broad front’ Worker-Student Alliance (WSA).  The mood in local universities moved to the Left.  In September, an “Anti-Imperialist Week” witnessed clashes between students and police, including Special Branch.[200]  ‘Maoists’ “contested” university authority and police power.  A pamphlet, Meet Fascism’s Challenge, argued counter-violence should answer police violence.[201]


On January 31 1971, thousands of young Jews, ‘Jewish Ex-Servicemen’s Association’ members, young leftists and the WSA occupied the Yarra Bank to prevent a NSPA rally.  When the Nazis absented themselves, WSA impressario Albert Langer, incited the crowd to ignore Zionist ‘Ex-Serviceman’ Abraham Cykiert, and march on the Nazi headquarters.  In the ensuing riot, the office was ransacked.[202]


This event triggered a subterranean war between Maoists and Zionists for influence over Jewish youth.  Leibler, then of the Jewish Board of Deputies, warned:


the community not to act independently or be influenced by Jewish splinter groups whose activities frequently ran counter to ... [our] ... interests ... and undermine the Board’s Defence activity.[203]


Leibler was reportedly worried by Jewish involvement in the American New Left - and Jewish ‘anti-Zionism’.[204]  Suddenly, Australian Jews were enmeshed in Left street violence.


The clandestine CPA(M-L) lapsed into a four-week silence, probably to review its increase in public influence.  It then condemned the cautious Zionist leaders.[205] 


As 1971 unfolded, Ted Hill became the May Day key-note speaker, a ‘class struggle’ group of Victorian trades unions emerged and the dynamic anti-war movement surged.  The WSA grew also, to encompass a thousand supporters by 1973.


The Victorian Special Branch, a tough, ruthless organization, operated from its Fitzroy Town Hall headquarters an extensive surveillance capability.[206]  In August, Maoists complained Young was “under the control of Inspector Larkins”, the two in open conference at the trial of a Nazi charged with assault.[207]  Key NSPA official Claude Woods, said Young met throughout 1971-3 with Detectives “Shuert” and “Luks”.  Woods said Young accepted “guidance” but stayed “vague” about the precise discussions.[208]  Photographs, car registrations and names and addresses of Maoists were provided through another source.[209]  Property damage followed.


From late 1971 until 1973, Young met secretly with Cykiert in city coffee shops and restaurants.[210]  It is unlikely that Cykiert met Young without the knowledge of Special Branch and the Jewish leadership.  Young did not specify the discussions but Cykiert certainly urged anti-Maoist violence.[211]  This manoeuvre was probably conceived to destabilize the ‘anti-Zionist’ Left, allow time for Jewish youth to reintegrate into responsible structures, and ensure the Nazis did not stray into independency.  Systematic damage of Maoist premises in Adelaide, Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane began.  Two “expelled” Nazis were caught after a drunken arson spree of Melbourne Left bookshops.[212]  When Maoists warned the NSPA was “openly supported” by police, retaliation was inevitable.[213]


In June 1972, a WSA mob smashed their way into the new NSPA St. Albans’ office.  Membership records were seized:


the seizing and destruction of all nazi files and propaganda ... is not individual terrorism.  It is correct mass action.[214]


The WSA published the names of 51 Melbourne Nazis including Croatian Ustasha boss, Strecko Rover.[215]  A Melbourne Left rally in September heard Jim Cairns, Sam Goldbloom, M. Jurgevic and Mike Richards criticise Liberal complicity in Croatian and Nazi violence.[216]  Maoist violence was not occurring in a vacuum although it seemed neither Left faction knew of the Young-Cykiert connection.  In February 1973, Maoists appeared in court on charges from the 1972 riot.[217]  A wharfie, Harry Bouquet, was jailed in August, with Maoist Waterside Workers’ chief Ted Bull launching a twenty-four hour political strike in protest.[218]


The expanded NSPA, with 200 members, ran four candidates in the 1972 Federal Poll.[219]  The following results showed minimal support for its ‘White Australia’ and anti-communist stance:



Table 2.2                Nazi Election Results 1972







F.S. Young




K. Young




P. Wilkinson




L. Leisemann

Wide Bay





Nazis proclaimed electoral participation proof of maturity.[220]  The new Labor government and public clamour for a ban, did not disturb the NSPA.[221]  In its fantasy-world, the NSPA did not appreciate what the coming clash of a Cold War political police and an internationalizing Labor government could bring.  Rather, its leaders probably imagined the para-state/Nazi relationship was an existent Nazi-Liberal alliance.


Doubtlessly, ASIO distrusted the Labor government[222] and held a particular aversion to Jim Cairns.[223]  Attorney-General Murphy’s dramatic ‘raid on ASIO’ for documents on Ustasha terrorism, strained relations to breaking point.[224]  Murphy knowingly asserted seventy Melbourne ASIO officers constituted a special structure to snipe at the government.[225]


Nazis condemned the Murphy raid, arguing “ASIO is not a politically motivated organization”.[226]  On May 8 1973, at Melbourne’s Dallas Brookes Hall, Nazis let off poison gas to disrupt Federal Minister Cairns’s reception of a Viet Cong delegation.  Violent clashes between police, Nazis and Maoists took place outside.[227]  These events had followed a spate of arsons and firearm attacks.[228]


While Young was “interviewed” by Special Branch between May and July 1973, assorted charges were laid only against other Nazis.  A full investigation of the poison gas issue was never pursued.[229]  Young always understood various charges could have been brought against him.[230]  In July, Young fled to Sydney where Nazi records were turned over to ASIO at Special Branch headquarters.  He would not be disturbed if he avoided politics and stayed out of Victoria.[231] 


It may be concluded that ASIO choreographed a ‘dirty tricks operation’ against a Federal Minister and then, realizing the danger of detection, closed down the auxiliary organization, which was otherwise on a dangerous rampage.


The twilight war had a profound destabilizing effect on the Melbourne Left.  The Maoists concentrated on the Nazis as indicative of incipient fascism.[232]  They confused a phantom with a significant fascist movement.  Their fury was understandable, but their moral anguish at the ‘brownshirts’ caused a misallocation of limited resources and failed to move workers into the Maoist camp.  Maoists and other leftists surmised the Intelligence-Nazi link[233] but blundered regardless, successfully ensnared into the twilight war.  Occasionally also, the CPA(M-L) struck at other leftists for lack of anti-fascist fervour.[234]  From late 1973, WSA activism declined, following chronologically the collapse of the NSPA.  The movement was derailed.  The ‘traces’ of Nazi-Intelligence-Zionist chicanery disappeared.



(e)           Brisbane Nazism 1968-73


After years of clandestine activity, a section of Cawthron’s NSPA formed in 1968.  Until the 1970 Election, its main campaigns revolved around non-violent protests of the CPA and Brian Laver’s anarchists.[235]


In 1971 the leadership of Niemeyer, Raymond Gillespie, Des Hatton and brothel-operator, Gary Mangan, escalated activism at a propitious moment in Queensland politics.  The League was active, Bjelke-Petersen was increasingly a messiah to conservatives and the Left was active amongst youth and the streets.[236]


The large Special Branch included Les ‘Fat Guts’ Hogan, David Ferguson, Jim Howard[237] and Liberal Party State Executive member, Don Lane.[238]  These men, after pronouncing the NSPA “subversive”,[239] and intimidating its members in various ways,[240] conspired with Nazis to unleash two years of violence.


First, in July 1971, a ‘State of Emergency’ was declared to control ‘anti-apartheid’ demonstrations during the Springbok Football Tour.[241]  On July 21, Hogan commissioned Mangan to throw a brick which hit a police constable guarding the Springboks at the Tower Mill Motel.[242]  An NSPA picket incited the crowd outside and the Riot Act was read.  The CPA described the


unprovoked charge on [the] Tower Mill demonstrators ... immediately on some other officer’s order, police charged.[243]


Physical violence was perpetrated on the crowd.  Mangan and Hatton were “arrested”, but later released from a police van blocks away.  Conveniently perhaps, Queensland Police no longer possess records of the Tower Mill riot.[244]


Second, NSPA ‘stormtroops’ organized violent assaults on anti-Vietnam War demonstrators.  The CPA(M-L) claimed a Nazi entered their bookshop and:


claimed the police on duty at their punch-ins were there to protect them from effective retaliation.[245]


Mangan said these words were his words, and were truthful.


Third, a 1972-3 campaign was directed against a new Country Party enemy, the nascent Aboriginal Rights movement.   Homes, churches and vehicles were damaged, and Liberal then-parliamentarian Don Lane, had his office vandalized by Nazis in the name of Aboriginal groups.  A new NSPA organizer, Terrence Belford, directed the campaign.[246]


Fourth, Hatton warned the Nazis kept a death-list of prominent Leftists.[247]


Fifth, in 1972, Special Branch provided Nazis with the address of a radical activist, Dick Shearman.[248]


Sixth, the CPA(M-L)’s bookshop was damaged some eight times (1972-3), usually by Nazis, without serious investigation or with inconclusive result.[249]


Seventh, the emergent Trotskyists had their bookshop regularly vandalized.[250]


The targets of NSPA violence were all within Special Branch’s brief.  Gillespie, alienated by the para-State links of post-Cawthron Nazism and its pathological anti-communism, approached the Sydney Jewish Board of Deputies.  Though interested in police-Nazi links, they shocked Gillespie:  “we know most of this.  Go home.  Stick with Cass and Katrina ... (Young).”[251]


The expulsion of Mangan from the NSPA in October 1971 centred on his looselipped talk of the Special Branch connection.[252]  Mangan thence organized thirty drunken thugs into a ‘Fascist Party’ which terrorized Left activists.  In April 1972, two Fascists bombed the Brisbane CPA building.  It was one of a series of Right bombings.[253]  Mangan was tried in November 1972 and acquitted on civil-liberties ‘technicalities’.  Although Mangan could have been tried on related charges, he went free.[254]  Vanguard later reported the


common belief that fascist Mangan laid it on the line to the Liberal-Country Party government ... if brought to trial he would tell what finance and other help was given to fascists.[255]


Mangan claimed the case was “fixed” by Special Branch.[256]


The hundred Queensland Nazis recruited between 1968 and 1973, spoke the same language as the League Of Rights,[257] but regarded themselves as the hard fist of anti-communism.  They were prepared to take risks but existed in an atmosphere of State tolerance.[258]  However, the para-State link was crafted by careful police who kept sufficient distance from their ‘agents’.


The Nazis were the most unacceptable of allies.  After 1973, the lifeline was severed and the plant soon wilted.  Thuggery yielded to normal police power, and ubiquitous surveillance.  The destruction of Special Branch files in 1989, precluded any public inquiry into para-State violence.



(f)            Final Phase Nazism Re-Establishes A Police Link 1973-5


A Melbourne meeting in November 1973 re-established the NSPA with sections in Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Adelaide. Cawthron’s WUNS Secretariat, which hoped to save something from Australian Nazism, provided Robin Sparrow, an Adelaide University student, as inter-state liaison officer.  Shortly thereafter, Cawthron was interviewed by an Adelaide Special Branch detective who advised that the NSPA - “should stay dead.  We thought that was agreed.”[259]  There were 100 Australian Nazis.[260]


The NSPA practised Kafka-esque normalism.  It had published an Agricultural Programme (1972) and attacked the ALP for abandoning White Australia (1973).  It desired to participate in elections to win the middle class.[261]  With the Special Branch connection in abeyance, NSPA ‘normals’ resolved to cautiously reactivate.[262]


Organizational gravity transferred to Sydney under Secretary Neil Garland, 40, formerly of both the ANSP and NSPA, and Robert Cameron, 25, a railway worker.  While other sections became loose networks for the distribution of (often foreign) Nazi material, Cameron operated an activist cell.


In March 1974, this former Fascist Party member acquired the membership list of the Trotskyist Socialist Youth Alliance stolen in a 1973 break-in at its Glebe offices.  The list was passed to Special Branch, conduct not considered worthy of reproach.[263]  The rebuilding of a Special Branch link would prove portentious, giving substance to Australian Nazism and purpose to Cameron’s subsequent activities.


In Easter 1974, the NSPA held a “Congress”.  Cawthron pushed proposals to cease using swastikas and Germanisms, and to approach other racist formations, but these were defeated.[264]  Nazis went on to contest the 1974 NSW Senate poll, splitting the racist vote with the White Australia Progressive Party.  The results gave John Stewart 1475 votes and Robert Cameron 1025 votes.  The ‘Skull’ contested Werriwa against Gough Whitlam for 89 votes.  The NS Bulletin considered the result encouraging.[265]


Cameron switched from this electoral pretence and initiated a vicious campaign aimed at Jack Mundey, Builders’ Labourers’ Federation (BLF) leader then involved in intra-BLF disputes and the Green Bans movement.[266]  The ‘Black Order of Fascists’ smashed windows of the Third World Bookshop and threatened Left-identity and owner, Bob Gould.[267]  Sydney Nazis confronted Trotskyist intellectual Ernest Mandel at Queensland University, scuffling with Left students.  Mandel’s Trades Hall lecture ended with the location of a fake-bomb device.[268]  The Sydney CPA office was daubed with death threats[269] and Garland and an Adelaide Nazi were convicted for damaging books at the Socialist Party’s bookshop.[270]  Cameron, although on a bond, ‘survived’ prosecution on damage charges.


The conservative mobilization against Labor during 1974-5 never conceded the NSPA any significant role.  Indeed, following a sensationalist picket of Brisbane’s Maoist bookshop,[271] Cameron developed an adventurist media style.  He announced the NSPA operated a combat training camp[272] and a death squad to kill Jim Cairns,[273] had a “death list”[274] would send Nazis to assist crumbling Vietnam[275] and worked with pro-Palestinian organizations.[276]


Cameron had forged a bond with Brisbane Dutch collaborator, Anton Heintjes, who pressed attacks on ALP and Fabian Society figure, Jack Geran.[277]  Heintjes urged sensationalist publicity to impress rightist groups with the Nazis’ news-worthiness and interest them in unity.  However, approaches to various groups were unsuccessful and despite an election flurry (Ross May, ‘Werriwa’, 263 votes), Australian Nazism was at its nadir.


The NSPA died in December 1975 in a welter of petty conspiracies unworthy of expanded commentary.[278]  Nazi loyalists burned Garland’s vehicle as punishment for participating in breaking it up.  An NSPA Bulletin denounced wreckers and pined for the return of uniformed Nazism.[279]  Garland insisted he was used from a point in 1975 as a cover for persons who intensified sensationalist behaviour; he plausibly argued the group’s traditional targets had waned by 1975, that the NSPA (1973-5) was plagued by neurotics who replaced those ‘normals’ who repudiated neo-nazism.  A pithy notice appeared in Nation Review - by way of an obituary.[280]



3.             AN EXTREME RIGHT EMERGES 1966-75


In March 1966, the Liberal government abandoned the substance of ‘White Australia’.  The strange death of racially-restrictive immigration has been variously ascribed to the liberal Immigration Reform Group,[281] “long hairs” in Labor party structures,[282] the Fabian Society,[283] the personal  intervention of Hubert Opperman[284] and intellectuals who fostered liberalization of national attitudes.[285]  The obscurity of this ‘silent revolution’ was suggestive of conspiracy within the apparatus of State.  Lord Casey, a gnome of the Imperial-State conspiracies of the 1930’s, authored The Future of The Commonwealth (1963) to push for change.[286]  His associate in the Round Table, Sir Peter Heydon of the Immigration Department, had been active in various ‘reforms’ of the 1950’s.[287]  Subsequent Liberal governments pursued the “aim” of a “multiracial society” by the 1980’s, whilst sidestepping political flak with occasional rhetoric about quality migrants and assimilation.  Dissimulation, as discussed further, could suggest the intention to expand the program once public concerns had been lulled.[288]  Seven years passed before Prime Minister Whitlam could openly say:  “the White Australia Policy is dead.  Give me a shovel and I’ll bury it.”  These years also undermined and shattered the Menzies consensus, via the Vietnam War and the growth of a militant Left.  In these turbulent times, the increase in non-European immigration passed unnoticed[289] by a general public transfixed by issues more immediate.


Resistance was quickly forthcoming.  The League Of Rights maintained support for ‘traditional’ migration and condemned “multiracialism” (1966-7).[290]  Its campaign of support for Rhodesia (1964-7), acclimatized rightists to racial questions.  International communism was blamed for inspiring racial tensions with liberal multiracialists, the dupes of the Left.[291]  However, the League was running with other campaigns and while some Right cadre were compelled to ‘action’, the new anti-immigration groups mobilized new forces.


The first documentable ‘resistance’ group was the Perth circle of Dutch migrant Robert Nederpelt, which was born and died in April 1966 after a media crucifixion.[292]  A more serious effort followed in Perth in early 1968 with the foundation of the Conservative Immigration Movement (CIM) by LOR supporter and public servant Ian Skipworth and council worker Eric Langhorne.  CIM opposed “negro” and Asian immigration and organized private and public functions.[293]  In 1970 it contested the Western Australian Senate election and gained 4864 votes.[294]  Brenda Macintyre, a member of CIM (and most other groups 1969-96) described it, and successor groups in the 1970’s, as collections of essentially older middle-class people (including many women) who were shocked by the immigration-change but their determination to act did not involve violence or illegality;[295]  Skipworth concurred with this characterization.[296]  The Perth groups accepted they espoused a new cause of a fundamental nature which demanded new activist organizations.  While a drift away from the Conservative Right had begun, the State’s role was not questioned beyond ascribing ‘bad policy making’ to its liberal politicians and functionaries.[297]  Certainly, enthusiasm was sustained; the 1971 break-up of CIM saw it followed by a White Australia Party (1972) and a Conservative Party (1974-5) comprising new and former activists.[298]


In New South Wales, a Democratic Party was established in 1970.  Two farmers, R.J. Bourke and E.N. Blacker, drafted a Constitution giving ‘Aims And Objectives’ strongly reminiscent of League principles:  “British heritage”, “individual rights”, “loyalty to Almighty God”.[299]  However, the Party in contradistinction to the League would participate in electoral activity to win farmers, business people and workers into an electoral, propaganda and activist movement - if only “to keep the Government functional but with an amended policy”.[300]  Its support for “traditional” immigration won supporters in Perth.  A Senate team was fielded in NSW in 1970 and attracted 52,799 votes.[301]  Success did not follow the financial outlay and it folded in early 1972 with resultant cadre loss.


The archetypal organization of the anti-immigration genre must be the Immigration Control Association (ICA) founded in 1970 by a retired Sydney importer Robert Clark, 61, and its development was ideal-typical of the development of an Extreme Right beyond conservatism’s boundaries.  Clark recruited some 500 members (1970-75) launching sections for New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia and, although blessed with funding from conservative Liberals, developed an independent financial base and organization.  Through the letterbox leaflet and Viewpoint, ICA lambasted the new colour-blind migration.[302]  In 1970, Clark recruited Nick Maina, a Liberal of Greek descent, and the crankish Laurie Clapperton, whose 1950’s British Australian Association attacked European immigration as “Latinization”.[303]


Clark became an enemy of Captive Nations conservatives.  Clapperton maintained that Clark divided racists from anti-communists.  They never forgave him.[304]


Clark considered the immigration issue absolute and although he could equate the new liberalism with marxism, he recognized the indifference of anti-communist leaders like Lyenko Urbanchich towards race issues.[305]  ICA nonetheless, occasionally liaised with the League, despite Clark’s aversion to Social Credit and conspiratology.  He addressed a 1971 League seminar[306] and assisted the organization of Butler’s 1972 Sydney debate with Edward St. John, but he stressed ICA’s independence.[307]


Clark was not alone in this drift from organized conservatism.  In 1972, dentist Noel Macdonald quit the Evans branch of the Liberal Party to contest the seat as an independent with ICA support.[308]  Macdonald won 1714 votes (3.21%) against Malcolm Mackay.[309]  However, Clark’s authoritarian manner bred of 30 years in South Africa, repelled Macdonald who launched the White Australia Progressive Party (WAPP).  The WAPP attracted 200 Sydney members (1973-4), including some ‘radical’ youth elements which gave it a decided Extreme Right direction.[310] 


The ICA also developed a political wing, the Australian Conservative Party, which criticized the Liberals’ drift from Menzies’s principles - particularly ‘White Australia’.  The members were


tired of trying to exert any worthwhile influence on the existing political parties ... these parties have become so thoroughly infiltrated by Fabian theorists and permissive elements that there is little possibility of being able to stop the rot and the drift towards Socialism ... [311]


The ACP would be:


a respectable banner of defiance under which people with sound conservative views will be able to rally.[312]


A clue to the type of people ACP/ICA leaders were, appeared in a members’ letter:


For years conservatives in the Liberal Party who objected to the way their Party was going were ignored ... This caused a group ... to form a new political party with a sound conservative programme.[313]


The label conservative was partly a device since the ACP also took on the mantle of modern classless ‘nationalism’.[314]  This Thesis would suggest its ethos had thus acquired a tendentious independency of State parties and conservative allies in establishing a new ideological dynamic.


There were some successes.  Although Maina and Clapperton broke with Clark to found a ‘White Australian And Aborigines’ Defence League’ to permit “the Anglo-Saxon in Australia to control his destiny”,[315] all came together to campaign against Immigration Minister Al Grassby in the 1974 election.[316]  Grassby lost his parliamentary seat, blaming the “racist campaign” and referring to threats.[317]  Grassby’s emotion spilled over on national television into mutual threats with Maina, Clapperton and Macdonald.[318]  However, he rightly noted that the trio who ran as WAPP Senate candidates polled only 1993 votes[319] - less than the NSPA - and pushed for anti-racial vilification legislation to offset the public, as opposed to electoral, impact of ‘racist’ campaigning.


The anti-immigration cause drew some credible forces.  Jack Lang used The Century to campaign on ‘White Australia’.[320]  He opened the letters column to Maina and Clapperton and allowed the Perth-based CIM to reprint his articles.[321]  Arthur Calwell appeared in the press and in his autobiography as a rearguard fighter.[322]  In a letter to Brenda Macintyre, Calwell maintained:


Unfortunately student groups and certain churchmen and some starry-eyed enthusiasts who would open the floodgates of immigration ... [would] ... destroy all our living standards and the homogeneity of our people.[323]


Calwell was supported by the Australian Natives’ Association which publicly repudiated the new policy.[324]  However, the resistance was outgunned by Liberal-Labor bipartisanship.


The anti-immigration groups were thus campaigning against a swift-running tide.  They found it difficult to agree, to coalesce and to attract substantial persons capable of delineating a new ideology.  Ian Hampel, a veteran of the Australian Commandoes, drafted The Conservative Party Programme.  He recalled the members as people bewildered by change towards ‘multiculturalism’, World War Two veterans and a “very ordinary” segment of suburban Australia.  Few were tertiary educated;  they found the verbalization of the ‘crisis’ difficult and hoped their aggressive propaganda would restore the status quo ante.  Significantly, he noted they professed no particular interest in, or fear of, the Left-radical street forces unlike the Nazis and the Captive Nations Right; they could not be ‘directed’ into sterile confrontation.[325]


By 1975, two lines had emerged in the broad anti-immigration movement.  Maina, after taking over WAPP on Macdonald’s death, turned the group into a ‘Immigration Restriction Council’, another “lobby” and “educational” force of indeterminant membership.[326]  In early 1975, an approach came from Brigadier Eason’s Victorian ‘National Australia Association’ (NAA) founded in late 1974.  Eason was strongly influenced by the League Of Rights.  The ubiquitous eight or nine ‘League-like’ aims and objectives of defence of Monarchy, Flag, Constitution and individual rights, were listed.[327] Eason anticipated in a continuing satellite style, a broad conservative “anti-socialist” non-party movement which also favoured ‘traditional’ immigration.  Strategically, Eason looked to conservative factions of the Liberal-National parties and the RSL.[328]  Maina’s group liquidated into NAA.


Clark was unconvinced.  However, his Queensland group under Dr John Dique, a disease researcher, was closely allied to the League.  Dique had been a member of the League since 1965 [329] and supported Bjelke-Petersen.  The League’s Heritage Society, established in Melbourne in 1971 with the patronage of Sir Reginald Scholl and Cilento, had diverted ‘anti-immigration consciousness’ into a defence of the British cultural connection[330] and its NAA side-growth promised only a more radical verbiage.[331]


Consequently, the ICA/ACP was the Extreme Right force; it did not have so much the anti-European-migrant ‘echoes’ as did other groups.[332]  It wanted a new party as well as an educational force.  Although most activism centred in Sydney, it had a national membership and acted as a pole of attraction to disgruntled conservatives.


Approaches were directed to the Conservative Party in Perth and the new ‘Australian Nationalist White Workers’ Party’ (ANWWP) in Sydney to augment the core,[333] while discussions were pursued with conservative groups for an attack upon the proposed ‘Racial Discrimination Act’ criminal sanctions for racist conduct.[334] 


The ANWWP formed in 1974 by English National Front member John Raven and Alex Norwick was a new development, an anticipation of the radical-nationalist line discussed in Chapter Five.[335]  Although it recruited only fifty members, various East European anti-communists provided some monetary support.[336]  Norwick conferred with Maina and Garland but repudiated their respective monarchist and neo-nazi positions.  The ANWWP trumpeted “racial socialism” and devised posters and leaflets for “working class suburbs”;[337]  but clearly Clark dominated the Extreme Right milieu as the crisis of 1975 unfolded.


The 1975 Constitutional crisis tested and broke the small Extreme Right.  The lack of compelling historical evidence on the international machinations underlying ‘the dismissal’ of Whitlam’s government has produced various conspiracy theories usually from the Left - which cannot be absolutely discounted.[338]  At least, there existed a conservative extra-parliamentary mobilization directed at the Labor government which would confirm traditional marxist arguments against the Right.[339]  Whatever the Nazi role, the Conservative Right and the Extreme Right roles were ideological and activist.  A pattern of ‘anti-socialist’ ‘anti-union’ and anti-communist activity emerged under Liberal-National party inspiration.


In November 1973, the League Of Rights (Queensland) sponsored a ‘Save Our State’ movement to garner critical support for Bjelke-Petersen.[340]  His rise to ‘messiah’ status for conservatives has been explored.[341]  The SOS warned of centralist socialists leeching upon Queensland’s economic wealth and characterized Whitlam as “WHITLAM” a nazi-communist.[342]  Socialism, “whether national or international”, sought to destroy states’ rights and erect dictatorship.  Bjelke-Petersen’s ‘Inflation Plan’ (1974) was touted by the League as practical Social Credit, the portent of a ‘State Bank’ of credit-issue which would emancipate Queensland from “international finance.”[343]  Citizens For Freedom came onto Brisbane streets to protest Australia’s recognition of Soviet incorporation of the Baltic states.[344]


In Perth in August 1974 Tony McGillick resurfaced, to lead a ‘Private Citizens Protest’ outside Trades Hall, against strikes and communists.[345]  In May 1975 Jennifer McCallum, a Melbourne housewife, led a ‘People Against Communism’ (PAC) mass rally; quickly thereafter, Sir Henry Bolte and Senator McMannus (DLP) became her “patrons”.  The PAC activated housewives, small business people and migrants against ‘Labor socialism’.[346]  A similar rally of Captive Nations and NAA took Sydney’s Town Hall in June for an anti-socialist protest,[347] and a National Interest Committee called out hundreds in Maitland.[348]  In 1974 an injudicious NSW RSL President, Colin Hines, spoke of a need for a mass service organization (not unlike GB’75 of Britain’s Colonel Stirling) to avert “breakdown”.[349]  His close links with the Right suggested he was parrotting the wild rhetoric of the time, the ‘strategy of tension’ against Labor.[350]


On August 13 1975 NAA hosted a Right-assembly addressed by Michael Mackellar, Shadow Immigration Minister.  Although no public ‘racist’ statement was made,[351] members of the NAA, NSPA, ANWWP and ICA left the gathering convinced immigration-restriction would be ‘soon’ reinvoked.[352]  Thereafter, the Liberal controlled Senate blocked anti-racial vilification legislation.  The NAA may also have provided Bjelke-Petersen with “our Queensland liaison officer” and his phoney Senate appointee Pat Field,[353] who played a role in Whitlam’s demise.


The coordination of the Conservative Right by the Liberal-National parties extended to private discussions between Eric Butler and Fraser in early 1975 where the League’s pro-Constitution stance was stressed.[354]


After the November 11 1975 ‘putsch’ the ICA was also ‘co-ordinated’.  The approach was made by Liberal Sydney solicitor and ‘Uglies faction’ member, David Clarke.  The ACP was admonished not to field candidates and rely on (Round Table member) Michael Mackellar favouring their perspective.[355]  The ACP advised:


... Conservative Party candidates would most certainly draw their support from people who ... vote for the Liberal/NCP coalition ... their presence may be detrimental to the present purpose of ridding Australia of the socialist lunacy ... once that is achieved we ... [must] ... convince the supposedly conservative Mr Fraser ... [to] ... stop the trendy elements from drifting the Liberal Party to the left ...[356]


Like ANWWP, Perth Conservatives, Queensland ICA and others, ACP deluded itself to believe it was participating in a broad popular movement.  Hysteria, the Liberal-National machines’ entreaties and the obvious dearth of ideological discrimination produced ‘loyalists’ to balance Left street support for Labor. 





The evidence demands a severe verdict on the Satellite Right.  Its State-dependent substance, more than its rhetoric and programmes, explained its quality.


The conservative State moved out of the Empire into the Western anti-communist alliance.  In the conservative mobilization phase (1944-49), the auxiliary organizations proved useful; the State (1949-65) fostered and received support from effective satellites.  With anti-communism the source of doctrine and action, they never questioned the relationship.  Hence Moore’s belief that Menzies made the Right “virtually redundant”,[357] could be rejected; rather the Satellite Right was a significant aspect of the conservative order.  The State monopolised violence, but these privatized auxiliaries were propagandist weapons of anti-communist discipline and conservative hegemony.


The mid-1960’s produced a revitalized Left, dynamic through to the Fraser ‘coup’.  A new reactive Right emerged and the League Of Rights expanded but there was no change of auxiliary status.  In this way Nazi activism was determined as part of the mosaic of reaction to the new militant Left and integrated with other Right responses.  The additional element was intensive para-State manipulation tacitly accepted by many leaders and activists.  Regardless of the formative impulse and the episodic independence of some players, the Nazi phenomenon was a potemkin-fascism, a militant conservative satellite whose significance must lie in the distractional and perpetual violence against the Left, waged vehemently - particularly between 1970 and 1973. 


The conservative auxiliaries did not provide inspiration or activist cadre for an independent Extreme Right.  The Extreme Right’s emergence after 1966 was chiefly a response to those immigration reforms which challenged the European basis of the society.  However, this response was inconsistent.  The new groups utilized the term ‘conservative’ whilst participating in aggressive campaigns and electoral contests.  Some were critical of ‘unassimilable’ non-British migrants, while others raised an inclusive-European perspective.  If the Right was a non-party movement, linked to anti-communist activism, the new Extreme Right was less motivated by the ‘threat from marxism’.  Indeed, ICA/ACP kept a distance from the League and Captive Nations Right milieu.  It repudiated any link with the Nazis[358] and called itself nationalist.  However, in an environment new to independency, the siren call of the Conservative Right, with its nostalgia for the Menzies order, was ever present.  After Mackellar’s wooing of the Right, but just prior to ACP’s capitulation to Fraser, Viewpoint proclaimed:


We feel that after a Liberal Party government led by Mr Fraser and with the present Shadow Minister Mr Mackellar in charge of Immigration we may [we hope] have less reason to be critical ... we have merely suspended operations and not disbanded ... [359]


The ICA/PCP’s Extreme Right position contended with other organizations and conservative NAA-type anti-immigrationism.  It was denied space to grow.


A ‘resource mobilization’ argument provides perspective.[360]  There was a cause, and an activist base with some disposable income and time; but it depended upon older people with ‘something to lose’.  There were few working class or youth elements and with the core of Menzies-nostalgics in command - little confrontation.  The stress under which the new Right operated was not economic but cultural-psychological.  Increasing non-European immigration and the new policy of multi-culturalism brought political alienation.  The ‘1945’ mind-set implied a certain confusion with ‘modernity’.  Such persons had never considered political militancy and not surprisingly, their ‘extremism’ was inconsistent.  The community was unresponsive to their warnings of catastrophe (as shown in electoral results) and the tendency to schism easily arose from leaders and cliques groping blindly after better methods.


Grim irony attended the collapse of the Extreme Right.  Refugee-boat-arrivals were regular events in Northern Australia from early 1976.[361]


[1] R.W. Connell and T.H. Irving, Class Structure In Australian History:  Documents, Narrative, Argument, Melbourne, 1980, p. 291.

[2] R.F.B. Wake, Deputy Director CIS, Letter To Director Commonwealth Investigation Service,  May 10 1948, in AA CRS A6122/40 Item 147 (American Anti-Communist Activities in Australia).

[3] AA CRS A6122/XRI, Item 158 (Anti-Communist Activities Within Australia, Vol. 2, 1950-64).

[4] Andrew Moore, “Send Lawyers, Guns And Money”, pp. 426-462.

[5] John Hetherington, Blamey:  Controversial Soldier:  A Biography Of Field Marshall Sir Thomas Blamey OBE KCB CMG DSO ED, Canberra, 1973, pp. 389-392.

[6] Andrew Moore, “Fascism Revived?  The Association Stands Guard 1947-52”, Labour History, No. 74, May 1998, pp. 113, 117-118;  L.J. Louis, “The R.S.L. And The Cold War 1946-50”, loc. cit., pp. 100-101.

[7] Paul Ormond, The Movement, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 27, 69, 154, 159-60.

[8] W.J. Hudson, Casey, Melbourne, 1986, pp. 257-8;  AA CRS A6122/38 Item 1222 (Catholic Action Pt. 2).

[9] Herbert Marcuse, One Dimensional Man, London, 1964, pp. (ix), 2, 57;

Martin Pawley, The Private Future, London, 1975, pp. 11-12, 27, 134;

Donald Horne, The Lucky Country, Sydney, 1964, for “new class” criticism of suburban life.

[10] Humphrey McQueen, “The CIA’s Operation Culture”, Nation Review, May 5-11 1977, pp. 696-7;  For a sympathetic account of the anti-communist order, see:  Robert Manne, The Shadow Of 1917:  Cold War Conflict In Australia, Melbourne, 1994, pp. 93-167.

[11] Mark Aarons, Sanctuary:  Nazi Fugitives In Australia, Melbourne, 1989;  pp. (i)-(xxiii).  While Aarons named some odious individuals, the general thrust of his allegation had been suspected on the Left.  A case could be also made that the Australian State, in granting refuge to these “war criminals”, and with their subsequent political utilization, had granted effective amnesty.

[12] “Minute Of P.R. Heydon, Secretary Of The Immigration Department, July 21 1959”, in AA CRS A 1838/1 Item 83/2/6 (Eastern Europe, Former Nazis And Fascists).  The remainder of this File connotes detailed information available to the Australian Government on this subject (emphasis on Germany).

[13] “Latvian Group Question, Liberal Party Migrant Advisory Council Meeting”, in AA CRS A1838/11 Item 581/5 (Liberal Party Migrant Advisory Council And The Immigration Reform Group).

[14] Miscellaneous items, in AA CRS A1838/11 Item 581/5.

[15] Brigadier C.C.F. Spry, Director-General of ASIO, Letter To The Secretary Of The Department Of Immigration, January 1965, in AA CRS A6119/82 Item 2157 (Jaroslav Stetsko).

[16] “C.C.F. Spry, Memorandum For The Secretary Of The Immigration Department, 4 July 1956”, in AA CRS A6980 T1 Item 250215 (Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations).

[17] “Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations And National Guard:  Report Of The Australian Security Intelligence Organization, August 30, 1955”, in AA CRS A6122/46 Item 1725 (Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations).

[18] “Memorandum For Regional Director ASIO, Australian Capital Territory, 8 May 1957”, in AA6122/46 Item 1725.

[19] Mark Aarons, op.cit., p. 79.

[20] ASIO Secret Report No. 1077, 2 July 1957”, and “Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations (International) In Western Australia” (Form Letter)”, in AA6122/46 Item 1725.

[21] Mark Aarons, op.cit., pp. 235-6.

[22] I rely on full accounts of Ustasha/Liberal links described by the CPA’s Tribune:  “Fear And Violence From Ustasha Extortion Campaign”, January 15 1969, p. 2;  “NSW Premier Backs Croat Nazi Outfit”, May 7 1969, p. 3;  “Croat Fascists Hail Lib. Minister As Ustasha ‘Friend’”, February 25 1970, p. 4;  “Ustasha Lib Links Denounced”, March 27 1973, p. 5.

[23] Brigadier C.C.F. Spry, Letter To Secretary Department Of Immigration, July 11 1951, in AA CRS A1838 Item 1550/20 (War Crimes - Alleged Yugoslav War Criminals - Lukic and Rajkovic).  Zbor’s anti-semitic/anti-marxist views were known to ASIO.  See AA CRS A6122/XR1 Item 167 (Zbor - Yugoslav Fascist Organization).

[24] C. O’Maolain, The Radical Right:  A World Directory, Harlow, 1987, p. 182.

[25] “Record Of Conversation, Mr Bruce Wright M.P. And Others, Department Of External Affairs”, in AA CRS A1938/1 Item 563/12/1 (Communism, Anti-Communist Groups And Organizations).

[26] “Don’t Forget Red Oppression! - Menzies At Freedom Rally”, News Weekly, November 9 1960,  p. 2;  “The Sixth Australian Freedom Rally, Rockhampton”, in AA CRS A1938/1 Item 563/12 (Information Branch Anti-Communist Organizations.  General 1959 ®)

[27] AA CRS A1838/1 Item 83/1/3/4 Part 3 (Eastern Europe - Assembly Of Captive European Nations);  from a reading of News Digest International, edited by Lithuanian anti-communist J.P. Kedys (Sydney) 1963-76.  Thereafter, there was some concern with avoiding communal strife.

[28] B.A. Santamaria, telephone conversation, August 29 1997.  Santamaria referred to the National Conference Of Catholic And Rural Movement, Albury, 1952, where this statement was first made.

[29] “A Great Victory For Freedom”, News Digest International, No. 1, 1968, pp. 4-9, for Sept. 1967 WACL Foundation Congress of 230 delegates in Taipei.  Chiang Kai Shek received Saudi and South Vietnamese ambassadors and Pope Paul VI’s message of support.

[30] Hendrik Kruger, The Great Heroin Coup:  Drugs, Intelligence And International Fascism, Montreal, 1980, pp. 121-136, 159-169, 181-196.

[31] Special Letter From Jeremy Lee, November 2 1973, p. 2, for LOR participation in WACL conferences, connections with General Sir Walter Walker of NATO.

[32] Denis Freney, “Lib-ASIO Guilt On Ustasha”, Tribune, April 10 1973, p. 8, for a full review of the 1972 Ivor Greenwood/Lionel Murphy wrangles on the subject.

[33] M. Jurgevic, Ustasha Under The Southern Cross, the author, 1972, pp. 30-31.

[34] John Playford, The Truth Behind Captive Nations Week And The Extremist Emigres - ABN (Anti-Bolshevik Bloc Of Nations), Sydney, 1968, p. 23.

[35] J.T. Kane, “We Shall Fight Communism To The Death”, News Digest International, No. 2, 1964, pp. 7-10;  “Self Determination For All Nations”, News Digest International, No. 3, 1965, pp. 44-46, for an ABN rally addressed by McMannus, G.B. Mencinsky;  “Captive Nations Week”, News Digest International, No. 4, 1965, pp. 38-41, for involvements of Douglas and Michael Darby, McMahon, RSL and NSW State Liberal politicians;  “Captive Nations Week In Adelaide”, and “Opening Meeting In Sydney”, News Digest International, No. 3, 1966, pp. 39-41, records Dr Forbes, McMannus, McMahon and Malcolm Fraser in unison.

[36] “Authoritative Opinions Expressed At Public Meeting”, News Digest International, No. 3, 1966, pp. 44-8.  Knopfelmacher spoke alongside Kane.

[37] B. Rubinstein, “The Left, The Right And The Jews”, Quadrant, September 1979, pp. 20-29, suggested my conclusion from the intensity of intra-community debate;  the emergence of the Dissent group which published an attack on the LOR (see below) was important here.


[38] A.L. May, The Battle For The Banks, Sydney, 1968, pp. 20-21, 22, 29, 162-3.

[39] “CIS Report, Freedom Leagues:  Citizens’ Rights Committees: Democratic Freedom Union, December 10, 1947”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1631 (Citizens’ Rights Council Vol. 1);  “Freedom League - Address By T.C. McGillick, Brisbane”, in AA CRS A6119/84 Item 1812 (McGillick, Thomas Claudius Steele 1930-63).

[40] “The Citizens’ Rights Association Of W.A. Draft Constitution”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1632 (Citizens Rights Council Vol. 2).

[41] “ASIO Paper, The Australian League Of Rights”, , in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1628 (Australian League Of Rights Vol. 3), for League objectives.

[42] Eric D. Butler, Constitutional Barriers To Serfdom, Melbourne, 1947, pp. 2, 7, 9, 13.  Butler had opposed the 1944 Referenda on Federal powers.

[43] Eric D. Butler, The Enemy Within The Empire, Melbourne, 1941, pp. 32-3.  Menzies was portrayed as a “socialist”.

[44] “The Secret Life Of Eric Butler:  And Killen The Comm”, Nation, September 26 1959, pp. 10-12.

[45] Eric D. Butler The Truth About The Australian League Of Rights:  A. Philip Adams Invitation Accepted, Melbourne, 1985, pp. 70-71.

[46] “Attorney Generals Department Minute Paper.  The Victorian League Of Rights, November 5, 1948”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1626 (The Australian League Of Rights Vol. 1).

[47] “Memorandum To The Acting Director CIS:  League Of Rights - Visit Of T.C. McGillick And E.D. Butler, May 22 1948”, in AA CRS A6119/84 Item 1812.

[48] Vicky Rastrick, “The Victorian Royal Commission On Communism 1949-50:  A Study Of Anti-Communism In Australia”, MA Thesis, Australian National University, 1972, pp. 10-11, 151-2.

[49] The Challenge Of The Australian League Of Rights, leaflet, 1968.  The ex-agent was Anne Neill who worked for ASIO in the CPA.

[50] E.D. Butler, “The Seriousness Of The Communist Threat”, News Digest International, No. 1, 1965, pp. 22-27.  For the other ‘conspiracy’ interpretation:  the LOR distributed A.K. Chesterton’s Candour magazine and his 1965 The New Unhappy Lords;  Cleon Simpson’s The Naked Communist and The Naked Capitalist.

[51] Keith Richmond, “Response To The Threat Of Communism:  The Sane Democracy League And The People’s Union Of New South Wales”, Journal Of Australian Studies, 1 June 1977, pp. 70-73;  “The People’s Union Research Publicity”, in AA CRS SP1714/1 Item N38611 (Arthur George Hebblewhite).


[52] “Deputy Director CIS Secret Report, May 3 1950”, in AA CRS SP1714/1 Item N53578 (Arthur Muggeridge, George Hebblewhite).

[53] Jeremy Lee, telephone conversation with author, May 1997.  Frank S. Salter, Interview, 1997.  Lee was LOR Deputy Director and Salter a NSW Branch official of the period 1950’s - 1980’s.

[54] “Memorandum To The Deputy Director C.I.S. 14 July 1947, The League Of Rights”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1626.  The motto of the Citizens’ League - “Service” - became the description of the purpose of the LOR.

[55] Paul Spoonley, The Politics Of Nostalgia:  Racism And The Extreme Right In New Zealand, Palmerston North, 1987, pp. 14-15, 68-74.

[56] “ASIO Report, New Times Limited, 20 May 1964”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1628, for occupations of League leaders;  Eric Butler, The Truth, pp. 108-109;  Nigel Jackson, Interview, 1997.  Jackson has been a prominent LOR writer and Butler confidant.

[57] Keith Graeme Richmond, “The Australian League Of Rights: An Empirical Study Of The League In Northern New South Wales and Southern Queensland, 1973-4”, MA(Hons) Thesis, University of New England, 1975, pp. 82, 131, 152-3, 156, 242.

[58] Bob Jessop, The Capitalist State:  Marxist Theories And Methods, Oxford, 1982, p. 165.

[59] Kenneth C. Gott, Voices Of Hate:  A Study Of The Australian League Of Rights And Its Director, Eric D. Butler, Melbourne, 1965.

[60] Andrew A. Campbell, The Australian League Of Rights:  A Study In Political Extremism And Subversion, Collingwood, 1978, pp. 30, 48, 56-7, 59-62, 69-74.  Campbell seemed also to equate Left-Right ‘extremism’/anti-Zionism and anti-semitism.

[61] Isi Leibler, The League Of Rights:  An Evaluation Of Australia’s Foremost Organisation Promoting Racial And Religious Hatred, Melbourne, 1985.  This pamphlet also reflected anti-anti-semitism (as below);  Peter Samuel, “The Australian League Of Rights”, Current Affairs Bulletin, January 1 1972, pp. 244-256.

[62] Keith Richmond, “The Australian League Of Rights”, p. 3

[63] ibid., pp. 5, 67, 69;  Andrew Campbell, op.cit., pp. 28-30, 40-1, 58-62, concurred.

[64] Richard Brockett, telephone conversations, 1996-7.  Brockett’s PhD was in preparation - “The Australian Social Credit Movement, 1930-75”.  Unfortunately, this Thesis was discontinued due to Brockett’s  illness.  For comment on Butler’s adoption/alterations in Social Credit doctrine see below in Chapter Ten.

[65] I rely upon an interpretation of:  Eric D. Butler, Releasing Reality:  Social Credit And The Kingdom Of God, Melbourne, 1990;  Eric D. Butler, The Essential Christian Heritage, Melbourne, undated;  Eric D. Butler, Centralization- The Policy Of Satanism, Melbourne, 1972;  Eric D. Butler, Has Christianity Failed?, Melbourne, 1993;  British-Israel literature as sold at League meetings;  a conversation with Asst. National Director of the League, Jeremy Lee, in 1977 on ‘the return of Jesus’ and political action;  Keep Our Flag Flying, leaflet, 1977, and an impression arising from various Heritage Society material.

[66] League Of Rights Book Service, leaflet, 1962.

[67] Edward Rock, Letter To James Saleam, May 6 1997.  Mr Rock was a founder of the LOR and provided an account of its underlying Christian-Social Credit world view.

[68] Eric Butler, The Truth, p. 85.  Herring, Lieutenant Governor of Victoria and Chief Justice was exposed by Andrew Moore, “Send Lawyers Guns And Money”,  pp. 442-5, as a supporter of The Association and director of A Call To The People Of Australia, an anti-marxist organization for democratic renewal.

[69] For Snedden’s 1965 letter of support see:  “Behind The Nation-Wide Smear Of The League Of Rights”, Intelligence Survey, Vol. XX, No. 12, November 1971, p. 4.

[70] D.J. Killen, In The Commonwealth Cause, Melbourne, 1961.  For Killen’s repudiation of Leibler’s public criticism:  D.J. Killen, “Lunch Without Prejudice”, The Bulletin, October 10 1964.

[71] “The Australian League Of Rights Queensland Council - Incl. Northern NSW”, in AA CRS A6122/48 Item 1926 (Australian League Of Rights Volume 4) - a report for October 13/14 1967.

[72] C.C.F. Spry, Letter To Hon. B.M. Snedden, 30 October 1964, in AA CRS A432/15 Item 64/2595 (Australian League Of Rights).

[73] C.C.F. Spry, Letter To The Secretary Department Of External Affairs, 16 September 1960, in      AA CRS 6122/45 Item 1627 (Australian League Of Rights Vol. 2).

[74] C.C.F. Spry, Letter To Unnamed Person, June 20 1966, in AA CRS A6122/48 Item 1926.

[75] Fred Schwarz, You Can Trust The Communists To Be Communists, Long Beach, 1964.  Schwarz was a Brisbane Jewish doctor who became a professional U.S. anti-communist 1952-70.  CACC had various Australian branches.

[76] R.W. Connell, The Extreme Right In Australia Today, Unpublished Paper, Politics Of Extremism Seminar, University of Sydney, 1966;  John Playford, “The Radical Right And The Rhodesia Lobby”, Outlook, No. 4, August 1966, pp. 15-18.

[77] Robin Acton, “The Defend Australia League”, Outlook, No. 2, 1966, p. 8.

[78] AA CRS A6122/46 Item 1783 (Associations Individual - Defend Australia League).

[79] E.W. Titterton, “Nuclear Weapons For All”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 1, April 30 1965 pp. 5-7 - Titterton was recruited by DAL;  “Do You Care About The Defence of Australia?”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 11, September 25 1965, p. 3 - Hughes, DLP Senator McMannus to address meeting of DAL.  James Falconer, Interview, 1997 - who attended and reported a number of servicemen in uniform demanding universal conscription.

[80] Robin Acton, “Messrs Darby And Warrington”, Outlook, No. 4, August 1966, p. 12.

[81] H.Q., “The Pattern Of The Ultra Right”, Outlook No. 2, April 1966, p. 8;  “ASIO Contact Report, Australian Action Coordinating Centre, March 14 1966”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2331 (Owen Roy Warrington).

[82] “Memorandum To Brisbane Supporters, League Of Rights Members’ Letter, 17 March 1966”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1628 (Australian League Of Rights, Vol. 3);  Harold Wright, “Captive Nations Week 1968:  Celebrations In Brisbane”, News Digest International, No. 3, September 1968, pp. 48-50.

[83] The Moratorium Road To Anarchy, CFF leaflet, 1970;  The September ‘Moratorium’:  A Viet Cong Weapon, CFF leaflet, 1970;  No Sell Out For Vietnam, CFF leaflet, 1970;  Harry Wright, Miracle In Vietnam, CFF members’ letter, January 1971 - which called on supporters to vote DLP.

[84] Young Australians For Freedom:  Objectives, leaflet, 1968.

[85] David And Goliath (Official Newsletter Of The Young Australians For Freedom), Vol. 2, No. 2, February 1969, p. 1.

[86] David And Goliath, No. 1, September 1968, p. 1.

[87] “Letter Of The Joint Baltic Committee Of Victoria To Harold Holt, 16 June 1962”, and “Letter Of The Assembly Of Captive European Nations Delegation In Australia to Sir Garfield Barwick, 29 March 1963”, in AA CRS A1838/1 Item 83/1/3/4 Part 3 (Eastern Europe - Assembly Of Captive European Nations).

[88] R.W. Connell and Florence Gould, Politics Of The Extreme Right:  Warringah 1966, Sydney, 1967, p. 37.

[89] ibid, p. 96;  Malcolm Carter, “The Lesson Of Warringah”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 2, No. 13, January 11 1967, put the conservative case in very similar terms.

[90] R.W. Connell and Florence Gould, op.cit., p. 97.

[91] R.W. Connell, The Extreme Right In Australia Today, pp. 6-7;  The U.S. literature was a literature of liberals.  See:  J. Allan Broyles, The John Birch Society:  Anatomy Of A Protest, Boston, 1964;  Arnold Forster and Ben Epstein, Danger On The Right, New York, 1962;  Daniel Bell (ed.), The Radical Right:  The New American Right, Salem, 1963;  Donald Janson and Ben Epstein, The Far Right, New York, 1963.  I have discussed the logic of this material in Jim Saleam, “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right”, M.A. (Hons) Thesis, University of Sydney, 1985, pp. 1-2, 47-49, 91-100, 225.

[92] Edward St. John, Q.C. M.P., “The Warringah Campaign”, Quadrant, January-February 1968, pp. 41-51.

[93] Isi Leibler, “Australia’s Radical Right”, Quadrant, January-February 1966, pp. 15-19.

[94] David Greason, “Whatever Happened To Henri Fischer’s Stolen ALP Funds?”, Australia-Israel Review, June 15-28 1994, pp. 9-10.

[95] Dr Malcolm Mackay, “A Time For More Martyrs”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 6, July 17 1965 - for Christians support;  “Fred Schwarz M.D. On The Pathology Of Communism”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 7, July 13 1965, pp. 3, 11-13, 14 - for CACC support;  advertisements for Tidal Publications (Social Credit), Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 20, February 7 1966;  “Vietnam Support:  Mr Holt Is Not Alone In Backing Conscription”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 2, No. 3, May 11 1966, pp. 10-12 - for support of Darby’s “AACC”;  advertisements for pro-Rhodesia committees - Australia International News Review, Vol. 2, No. 4, May 25 1966, p. 24;  Sir Wilfred Kent Hughes, “Tactics In The Psy War”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 2, No. 10, August 17 1966 - a reply to Isi Leibler’s Quadrant attack and finally in Australian International News Review, Vol. 2, No. 12, October 1966 - various letters from Social Crediters and a loaded anti-Zionist attack, “Anti-Semitism:  A Letter >From Beirut”, pp. 26-27.

[96] David Story, “So It Can’t Happen Here”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 5,  June 25 1965, p. 11;  Jack R. Gage, “An American Looks Back”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 11, September 25 1965, pp. 25-26;  “Comment”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 13, October 23 1966, p. 6;  “The Fifth Column Demonstrating For Whom?”, Australian International News Review, Vol. 1, No. 16, December 7 1965, p. 10.

[97] David Greason, op. cit., reported various comments by Gough Whitlam on Fischer’s status.

[98] 50 Club Newsletter, November 1967, p. 5.

[99] 50 Club Newsletter, December 1967, p. 3.

[100] Lyenko Urbanchich, “Who Is Shuffling The Cards?”, 50 Club Newsletter, February 1968, p. 4.

[101] Verity Burgmann, Power And Protest:  Movements For Change In Australian Society, Sydney, 1993, pp. 80-82, 189-197.

[102] Mike Richards, “The Farther Shores Of Australian Politics”, The Age, February 26 1972, p. 8.

[103] Anon, They Want Your Land, Melbourne, 1969.

[104] Mike Richards, “Coalition Finds Itself Infiltrated”, The Age, February 29 1972, p. 8;  Mike Richards, “Liberal Party Looks Over Its Shoulder”, The Age, March 1 1972, p. 8.

[105] Edward St. John, The Australian League Of Rights, Kensington, 1972, pp. 1, 3, 6;  “Behind The Nationwide Smear Of The League Of Rights:  Who Lured The Country Party Into A Booby Trap?”, Intelligence Survey, Vol. XX, No. 12, November 1971, testified to LOR influence.

[106] Jeremy Lee, Australia’s Looming Farming Disaster:  ‘They Want Your Land’ Revisited, Ravensbourne, 1985, pp. 1-7.

[107] “Extremists Threaten CP – says Anthony”, The Age, August 7 1971, p. 1.


[108] Richard Brockett, “The Australian Country Party, The Australian League Of Rights And The Rural Crisis of 1968-1972”, Electronic Journal Of Australian And New Zealand History, Internet, 1996,, p. 8.

[109] ibid, pp. 7, 9.

[110] David Greason, “The League Of Rights:  A Reply To Brockett”, Electronic Journal Of Australian And New Zealand History, Internet, 1996,, pp. 2, 8, 10-11, 12.

[111] David Harcourt, Everyone Wants To Be Fuehrer:  A History Of National Socialism In Australia And New Zealand, Cremorne, 1972.  This work did not cover what follows here for 1973-5.

[112] Jim Saleam, Never In Nazi Uniform, Sydney, 1985.  This pamphlet was not an academic exercise and contained factual errors;  it did centralize some available testimony.

[113] Andrew Moore, “Send Lawyers, Guns And Money!”, p. 454.

[114] Andrew Moore, “The Historian As Detective: Pursuing The Darroch Thesis And D.H. Lawrence’s Secret Army”, Overland, No. 113, December 1988, pp. 39-44, where detective work showed value.

[115] Denis Freney, A Map Of Days:  Life On The Left, Port Melbourne, 1991, p. 288.


[116] E.F. Hill, Revolution And The Australian State:  A Socialist Analysis, Melbourne, 1974, p. 44.


[117] “Secret Report:  The Impotent Nazis - By ASIO”, The Bulletin, November 16 1974, pp. 18-19.

[118] “The CIA, Labor And ASIO”, The Bulletin, June 5 1976, pp. 14-16.

[119] “ASIO, Right Extremists Tolerated”, Tribune, July 9 1974, p. 2.

[120] “ASIO’s Lawless Years”, Nation Review, December 2-8 1976, pp. 145, 147-9;  Jim McIlroy, “An Interview With Lisa Walter:  How I Joined ASIO And Why I Became A Socialist”, Direct Action, May 27 1976, pp. 6-7;  Jim McIlroy, “Ex-Agent Exposes ASIO”, Direct Action, May 27 1976,       pp. 4-5;  “ASIO Targets Spartacist”, Special Supplement:  Australasian Spartacist, No. 44, June 1977;  Tribune reported at length on ASIO’s fear of the student movement.  Credible pieces include:  “Protest And Student Power”, March 12 1969, p. 1;  “The Student Challenge, “March 5 1969, p. 1;  “New Swing To Police Violence In NSW, SA”, April 16 1969, pp. 1, 12;  “Police Thugs And Rightist Vigilante Squads To Attack Student Protests”, May 14 1969, p. 3;  “The Anti Student Campaign”, August 6 1969, p. 2.  The articles asserted ASIO connections to NCC “Democratic Clubs”, university violence, Special Branch harassments and ‘inquiry-calls’ from Askin/Bjelke-Petersen as a pattern of State response.

[121] Harvey Barnett, Tale Of The Scorpion, Sydney, 1989, p. 81.  ‘SPA’:  Socialist Party of Australia.  Hereafter:  ‘SPA’.

[122] David McKnight, Australian Spies and Their Secrets, Sydney, 1994, p. 182.

[123] ibid, pp. 191, 195-6, 216-7, 228.  McKnight designated Hill and the CPA(M-L) as a central ‘fear’.  The author wrote of the Maoists in Jim Saleam, op.cit., p. 10:  “they struck at the heart of the Australian State:  its U.S. connection.”

[124] Paul Hennisart, Wolves In The City, London, 1972, explained that the inability of the Gaullist state to deal with OAS terrorism occasioned the use of criminals and sadists - “barbouzes” - who could operate outside the law 1961-4.  This apparatus became a pet hate of the French Extreme Right - the Service D’Action Civique.  The SAC also trained anti-communist thugs 1967-72.  The Latin American death squads reflected a similar mentality.  See Hendrik Kruger, op.cit., pp. 1-26, 45-50.

[125] Arthur Smith, Interview, 1979, 1996;  Edward Cawthron, Interview, 1979, 1988;  Ray Gillespie, Interview, 1995;  Claud Woods, Interview, 1995;  F.S. (Cass) Young, Interview, 1981, 1982;  Robin Sparrow, Interview, 1979;  Ross May, Interview, 1995;  Claude Tomba, Interview, 1984;  Neil Garland, Interview, 1995.  The significance of these persons:  below.

[126] David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 86-91.

[127] Bryan Jamieson, “Nazi Plan To Merge With Libs”, Truth, September 25 1971, p. 3.

[128] John J. Ray, “Anti Semitic Types In Australia”, Patterns Of Prejudice, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1973, pp. 6-16;  J.J. Ray, “Is Anti Semitism A Cognitive Simplification?  Some Observations On Australian Neo-Nazis”, Jewish Journal Of Sociology, Vol. 14, No. 2, 1972, pp. 207-213.

[129] “Attorney General’s Department Letter To ASIO, 17 October 1962”, in AA CRS A6112/45 Item 1630 (Australian National Socialist Party);  also newcuttings from Adelaide press contained in this file;  “Nazi Style Meetings In Adelaide”, The Australian, July 29 1964 - the trend continued.

[130] “The National Socialist Party of Australia:  Report Of The Australian Security Intelligence Organization, 20 July 1964”, in AA CRS A432/15 Item 63/2409 Pt. 1 (Australian Nationalist Movement).

[131] C.C.F. Spry, Letter To The Commonwealth Attorney General, 15 September 1964, op.cit.  Spry differentiated between low ‘new’ Australian as opposed to ‘Commonwealth’ membership;  Arthur Smith was probably right to say the reverse was the case and inclusive of former Nazis and Fascists.

[132] ASIO had considerable concern with Cawthron’s scientific appointments in, AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2246 (Edward Robert Cawthron).

[133] “ASIO Report.  National Socialist Party of Australia, 1798/64, 20 May 1964”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2244 (Arthur Charles Smith).


[134] Edward Cawthron;  Arthur Smith, Witness A-1;  Robin Sparrow;  material on this major Nazi was partisan and florid but given subsection (d) I consider him grossly flawed.

[135] Various examples of Brown’s journalism and Things I Hear, in AA CRS A6119/1 Item 83 (Francis Courtney Browne).

[136] “ASIO Report Francis Courtney Browne/Frank Browne, undated”, op.cit.

[137] Arthur Smith:  “Australian Party Wants Power”, Honi Soit, undated”, in AA CRS A6122/45 Item 1629 (Australian Party, Sydney).

[138] “Regional Director ASIO (NSW) Memorandum, 22 July 1952”, in AA CRS A6119/1 Item 83.

[139] “ASIO Report Francis Courtney Browne/Frank Browne, undated”, op.cit.:  “I have no worries about working for either Liberals or Labor.  I want to destroy them both.”

[140] Arthur Smith, said Browne had been “bought off” by a radio position.  Frank Browne, conversations 1979, told the author he was “tired”.  Others were not as charitable.

[141] Arthur Smith, Folio Of Unpaginated Newspaper Clippings:  “Australian Nazi Body Sends Hate Circulars”, Sydney Mirror, November 6, 1960;  “Party Spreads Nazism In NSW”, Sydney Telegraph, January 29, 1960.

[142] See various newscuttings in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2306 (Graeme Theo Royce a.k.a. von Ribbentrop).

[143] “C.C.F. Spry, Memorandum, 2 June 1954”, op.cit.

[144] Various ASIO letters-filenotes, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2245 (Brian Henry Raven).

[145] Arthur Smith.

[146] David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 6-10;  “ASIO Report, Australian Workers’ Nationalist Party Or Workers’ Nationalist Party, 18 May 1960”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2206.

[147] AA CRS 1963/3614 (Suspected Importation Through Parcels Post Of Prohibited Literature - Fascist Stickers).

[148] Isi Leibler, “Christians, Swastikas And Jews”, The Bulletin, October 26 1963, p. 33.

[149] Jim Saleam, “American Nazism In The Context Of The American Extreme Right”.  This Thesis argued that while Rockwell did sympathize with aspects of Nazism, he was primarily an American nativist fascist with a dramatic publicity angle.

[150] “The National Socialist Party Of Australia:  Report Of The Australian Security Intelligence Organization, 20 July 1964”, op.cit.

[151] “ASIO Report, Donald Alexander Lindsay, 20 May 1964”, “David Pope Letter To Don Lindsay, 30 October 1964”, and Odinist documents in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2308 (Donald Alexander Lindsay).

[152] C.C.F. Spry, Letter To South Australian Regional Director of ASIO, 18 September 1962, in AA CRS A6119/45 Item 1630.


[153].”Regional Director ASIO Queensland, Report National Socialist Party of Australia - Leslie Leisemann, 27 May 1965”, AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2305 (Leslie Leisemann - Vol. 2).

[154] AA CRS A6126/26 Item 1060 (D. Wykham de Louth).

[155] Arthur Smith, Folio Of Unpaginated Newspaper Clippings:  “ALP Action On Nazis Proposed”, Sydney Morning Herald, June 15, 1964;  “Jewish Group Seeks Action On New Party”, Sydney Morning Herald, June 16 1964;  “National Socialist Meeting Raided By Detectives”, Sydney Morning Herald, June 27 1964.

[156] AA CRS A6119/89 (Ernest Walter Michael de Carleton).

[157] “ASIO Report No. 5664/65 - National Australia Party”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2244;  AA CRS A6122/48 Item 1927 (Howard Wesley Williams Miscellaneous Papers).

[158] “ASIO Report No. 5512/65 National Socialist Party of Australia, 6 November 1965”, and “ASIO Report 5570/65, 11 November 1965”, op.cit;  AA CRS A6122/90 Item 2457 (Arthur Charles Smith Miscellaneous Files).

[159] ibid.  A conclusion drawn from the ASIO documents cited in Note 158;  Arthur Smith and Ross May maintained Williams was a CIA operative with a multifaceted role to ‘coordinate’ local anti-communists.  Williams’s available ASIO File - AA CRS A6119/90 Item 2430 (Howard Wesley Williams) is suggestive.  Nearly half of it was ‘exempted’ under the Archives Act.

[160] Arthur Smith, “The Swastika and I In Australia Pt. 1”, Sunday Truth, March 9 1969, p. 3;  Arthur Smith, “The Swastika And I In Australia Pt. 2”, Sunday Truth, March 16 1969, p. 41;  at this point Smith wished to abandon politics;  “ASIO Report, Australian International News Review, 10 January 1966”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2329 (Henry Louis Fischer), reported funding of Nazis by James Kidman, a prime mover of AINR.

[161] Claude Tomba, Interview, 1984.

[162] “How The NDP Fares In Sydney”, Sydney Morning Herald, March 8 1968, p. 6.

[163] Chanan Reich, “Ethnic Identity And Political Participation:  The Jewish And Greek Communities In Melbourne”, PhD Thesis, Monash University, 1981, pp. 485-7.

[164] “MLA Hits At ‘Race Hatred Papers’”, Daily Telegraph, October 4 1967, p. 26.

[165] Claude Tomba;  Ross May;  both attended the “bashings”of Left newspaper sellers, demonstrators;  Hardy migrated to Ulster and joined Rev. Paisley.

[166] “The Raison D’Etre Of The National Party”, National News, No. 6, July 15 1970, p. 3.

[167] “The Uselessness Of Patriotic Organizations And Right-Wing Groups”, loc.cit., p. 9.

[168] “Nazi Leaflet Was Part Of Anti Moratorium Chorus”, Tribune, September 30 1970, p. 3.

[169] Arthur Smith.

[170] “Nazi Violence Against Anti-Apartheid Groups”, Tribune, March 31 1971, p. 3.

[171] “Deputy Director General, Australian Security Intelligence Organization Memorandum 28 August 1964”, in AA CRS A6119/89 Item 2307 (Ross Leslie May).

[172] “The Skull’s Story”, in David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 68-73;  Ross May claims to have assaulted “a couple of hundred” assorted demonstrators 1967-72.

[173] “New Nazi Violence Calls For Action”, Tribune, March 24 1971, p. 3.

[174] Jim Saleam, Never In Nazi Uniform, p. 4.

[175] David Harcourt, op.cit. pp. 31, 33, 34;  Arthur Smith on other Special Branch officers;  “Joke Department”, National Socialist Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 5, p. 3.

[176] Arthur Smith.

[177] “Now We Move”, National Socialist Newsletter, No. 1, February 1971, pp. 1-2;  Neil Garland;  Claude Tomba.

[178] “Nazis Raise Their Heads”, Tribune, February 3 1971, p. 12.

[179] David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 28-31, 34, 39, 44;  Ross May on various persons described by Harcourt;  Claude Tomba.

[180] Roger Jelling, “Der Fuehrer’s Boys Mit Ein New Look”, Pix, February 19 1972.

[181] Edward Cawthron, “Our First Twelve Months”, Australian National Socialist Journal, No. 4, 1968, p. 1.

[182] Building Fund Appeal, members’ letters, 1969.

[183] Peter Henderson, Folio Of Letters E.R. Cawthron, 1964-8;  Why I Am A National Socialist, NSPA leaflet, 1968;  JOIN US:  National Socialist Party of Australia, poster, 1969;  E.R. Cawthron, The Aryan Imperium:  Our Choice, NSPA leaflet, 1968.  This piece also ‘revised’ Nazism.  Cawthron espoused ‘Co-Nationalism’ (co-operative nationalism) a WUNS heresy.


[184] Edward R. Cawthron, “Editorial”, Australian National Socialist Journal, No. 1, Spring 1967, pp.   1-3.

[185] Edward Cawthron, “Our First Twelve Months”, p. 2.

[186] Edward Cawthron, “Secretary’s Remarks”, Minutes Of Sydney Conference, September 1970.

[187] E.R. Wenberg, “Our National Socialist Folk Heritage:  Henry Lawson”, Australian National Socialist Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, Winter 1969, pp. 3-6;  E.R. Wenberg, “Our National Socialist Folk Heritage:  The Revolt At Eureka”, Australian National Socialist Journal, Vol. 2, pp. 4-6;  Humphrey McQueen, op.cit., p. 104.

[188] E.R. Cawthron, “The Culture As Organism:  Cultural Vitalism As A New Concept Pt. 1”, Australian National Socialist Journal, No. 4, Winter 1968, pp. 4-5.

[189] Francis Parker Yockey, Imperium:  The Philosophy Of History And Politics, Sausalito, May 1969, pp. 274, 302;  Maurizio Carbona, “Francis Parker Yockey”, Perseverance, August 15 1975, pp. 15-17, for Yockey’s ‘neo-fascist’ rather than neo-nazi pedigree on this and other subjects.

[190] George Thayer, The Farther Shores Of Politics:  The American Political Fringe Today, New York, 1968, p. 29;  Robin Sparrow and Edward Cawthron affirmed WUNS’ aversion to Imperium;  Martin Lee, The Beast Reawakens, London, 1997, pp. 91-109 sets out Yockey’s history and confirms indirectly Cawthron and Sparrow by setting out the parameters of the division with 1960’s neo-nazi ideologues.

[191] Edward Cawthron.

[192] Witness A-2, a member of Immigration Central Association, who recalled the contacts.

[193] Edward Cawthron.

[194] “National Socialists v Peace Creeps”, National Socialist Bulletin, No. 11, February-March 1970, pp. 1-2.

[195] Australian Electoral Commission, First Statistics For 1970 Senate Election (no other details).

[196] “Australian Nazis Exposed”, Tribune, September 23 1970, p. 8.  “Hungarian Nazis Active In Australia”, Tribune, November 4, 1970, p. 4.  Edward Cawthron confirmed these reports.

[197] James Saleam, conversations with Hungarian ‘National Socialists’, Sydney, 1987.  This group published Ut Es Cel and Perseverance (from Western Australia).  The latter publication reflected wide international contacts.  The Hungarians advised against a “Nazi” party to which Cawthron “agreed”.

[198] Arthur Smith, Folio Of Unpaginated Newspaper Cuttings, “They Met In His Room”, Daily Telegraph, February 11 1968;  “Landlord Kicks Nazis Out”, Sun Herald, February 11 1968;  “Jew Receives Threat After Nazis Ejected”, Sydney Morning Herald, February 12 1968.  For von Rand:  “Nazis on Yarra Bank ‘Weak Exhibitionists’”, Canberra Times, May 11 1966.

[199] David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 36-41.

[200] Barry York, Student Revolt At La Trobe University 1967-73, Campbell, 1989, pp. 95-97, 137-138;  Peter Cotton, “The Party’s Over”, The Good Weekend, November 4 1995, p. 59, for students preparing for violence.

[201] Meet Fascism’s Challenge, CPA(M-L) pamphlet, 1970;  “Police Violence Will Be Met With Violence”, Vanguard, February 26 1970, p. 4;  “Builders’ Labourers’ Fight Rich With Lessons”, Vanguard, June 11 1970, pp. 1, 4.


[202] David Harcourt, op.cit., pp. 42-3, 47-48;  “Fascism Part Of Our Terminology”, Vanguard, April 1 1971, pp. 8, 11, for justification and description of the riot.

[203] “Government To Act Over Nazis?” Australian Jewish Times, February 4 1971, p. 1.

[204] “Jews Problem With The Communists”, News Digest International, No. 3, 1970, pp. 26-27.  (Though partisan, NDI’s reports of Leibler’s concerns were not inconsistent with his public utterances, before or since.)

[205] “Nazis Smashed In Melbourne”, Vanguard, March 4 1971, pp. 4, 8.  This was followed by:  Only Mass Action Can Defeat Nazi Thugs, WSA leaflet, 1971.

[206] Anne Summers, Andrew Clark, David Hickie, Robert Milliken and Adrian McGregor, “The Political Police: The Extraordinary And Disturbing Behaviour Of Our Special Branch Police”, The National Times, January 23-28 1978, pp. 4-5.

[207] “Uniformed Nazi Thugs Controlled By Special Branch Police”, Vanguard, August 12 1971, p. 4.

[208] Claude M. Woods, Interview, 1995;  Struggle, No. 30, February 1973, p. 3, for list of violent attacks on Left shops, meeting halls and arson at ‘Radical Action Movement’ offices.  It begs the question:  did the Branch provide details?

[209] Ravensbruck, “WSA Exposé Pt 1”, Stormtrooper, No. 4, undated 1972, pp. 10-11;  Ravensbruck, “WSA Exposé Pt 2”, Stormtrooper, No. 5, undated 1972, pp. 10-11.  Ravensbruck was the pen-name of Michael J. Hodgson, reasonably suspected (Claude Woods;  Edward Cawthron) of working for ASIO.  David McKnight, op.cit., p. 251, says ASIO did run an agent in the NSPA.  Stormtrooper published professional shots of Maoist organizers.

[210] Cass Young;  Claude Woods;  Edward Cawthron;  Witness A-1.

[211] Cass Young;  Witness A-1;  given the Zionist vendetta against the CPA(M-L) which culminated in the 1979 Community Radio affair, there was the context of Maoist “anti-semitism”.

[212] Cass Young, “Editorial”, Stormtrooper, No. 4, undated 1972, p. 1;  “Right Terror On The Rise”, Tribune, May 30 1972, p. 11;  “Fascist Attacks On Bookshops Listed”, Vanguard, February 22 1973, for catalogue of 2 years of violence.

[213] “Nazi Thugs Openly Supported By Police”, Vanguard, May 18 1972, p. 5;  “Violence And The Law”, Vanguard, June 1 1972, p. 4;  “A Copper Is A Fascist’s Best Friend”, Struggle, No. 21, March 3-17 1973, p. 1.

[214] “Action Against Nazis Is Correct”, Vanguard, June 22 1972, p. 5.

[215] “Nazis Exposed”, Struggle, No. 31, March 3-17 1973, pp. 14-15.  The Rover connection implied continuing police-Ustasha-Nazi involvements.

[216] “Nailing Extreme Right Wing”, Tribune, September 12 1972, p. 12.

[217] 25 People Face Gaol For Acting Against Nazis, joint Trade Union leaflet, March 1973.  Many of the sponsoring unions were CPA(M-L) influenced.

[218] “Melbourne Wharfies Act Vigorously Against Fascism”, Vanguard, August 30 1973, p. 1.

[219] David Harcourt, “An Assault On The Jew - Democratic Nut House”, in Henry Mayer (ed.), Labor To Power, Sydney, 1973, pp. 111-112.

[220] National Socialist Action Report, No. 14, December 1972, p. 2.

[221] National Socialist Action Report, No. 16, February 1973, p. 3.

[222] For ASIO’s integration with Liberal-Conservative forces:  Robert Mayne, “How ASIO Exceeds Its Charter”, National Times, March 19-24 1973, pp. 1, 4.

[223] Peter Samuel, “Cairns:  ASIO’s Startling Dossier”, The Bulletin, June 22 1974, pp. 8-9.

[224] Researched articles in Tribune included:  “Murphy, ASIO And The Ustasha:  The Facts”, March 27 1973, p. 1;  “Labor’s Biggest Problem:  The Bureaucracy”, April 3 1973, p. 3;  “Power Plays Against Labor”, April 10 1973, p. 3;  “Labor’s Anti-Climax On ASIO”, April 17 1973, p. 2.

[225] “Murphy Confirms Existence Of Private Spy Force”, The Australian Financial Review, August 23 1973, p. 4.

[226] Cass Young, “Feds Raid ASIO”, Stormtrooper, No. 10, April 1973, pp. 1-2.

[227] “Police Hold Nazi After Vietnam Demo”, The Age, May 9 1973, p. 1;  “Fast Tango in East Melbourne”, Sun, May 9 1973, p. 1;  Witness A-1.

[228] “Fascist Attacks On East Wind Bookshops”, and “Nazi Thugs And Backers Should Be Exposed And Punished”, Vanguard, April 12 1973, p. 4.

[229] Bryan Jamieson, “Poison Gas Plot By Nazis”, Truth, July 28 1973, pp. 1, 3;  David Harcourt, “Cass Struggles On”, Nation Review, August 3-9 1973, p. 1298.  Here Young admitted Special Branch seized “gas” and weapons.

[230] Cass Young;  Claude Woods.

[231] Witness A-1.

[232] “Ruling Class Prepares For More Fascist Repression”, Vanguard, June 15 1972, p. 4;  Law And Order And Violence, CPA(M-L) pamphlet, Melbourne, 1972.

[233] “Fascism Challenged”, Continent, May 1973, p. 3:  for proceedings of ‘Anti-Fascist Sunday’,  April 8 1973.

[234] “Trotskyists Serve U.S. Inspired Fascist Offensive”, Vanguard, March 22 1973, p. 8;  Louise King, Interview, 1983, for Maoist organized assaults on Trotskyists, their lack of anti-fascist fervour, another aspect of their ‘anti-communist’ position.

[235] Raymond Gillespie, Interview, 1995.  Gillespie joined in 1968 at age 18 as an apprentice-bookbinder.  He served as secretary.  David McKnight, op.cit., p. 215, for ASIO concern at Laver’s activism.

[236] John Harrison, “Faith In The Sunshine State:  Joh Bjelke-Petersen And The Religious Culture Of Queensland”, PhD Thesis, University of Queensland, 1991, pp. 506-8;  Hugh Lunn, Joh:  The Life And Political Adventures Of Johannes Bjelke-Petersen, St. Lucia, pp. 93-4.

[237] The author has met each of these officers.  Ferguson was part-Jewish (reputedly) and Howard later a bodyguard to Prime Minister Hawke.  In view of what follows it can be said each had no sympathy for Nazism.

[238] Don Lane, Trial And Error, Brisbane, 1993, p. 71.

[239] “Police Department Office Of The Commissioner Of Police, Instructional Circular 7/70.  Memorandum Re Subversive Activities - Communists, Nazis, Revolutionaries And Saboteurs”, in Don Lane, op.cit., pp. 300-302.

[240] The Amazing Revelations Of Gary John Mangan (Deceased), National Action leaflet, 1988.

[241] Stewart Harris, Political Football:  The Springbok Tour Of 1971, Sydney, pp. 128-139.

[242] Gary Mangan;  Raymond Gillespie;  ‘Ed’.

[243] “Uni Strikes Over Racism, Police State”, Tribune, July 28 1971, p. 3.

[244] “Letter Of The Freedom Of Information Unit, Queensland Police Service”, April 16 1996.  F0I forwarded my enquiries to the State Intelligence Branch whose commander was Inspector Ledicki - formerly of Special Branch.

[245] “Nazis Helped By Police”, Vanguard, July 15 1971, p. 4.

[246] National Socialist Action Report, No. 3, January 1972, p. 1, for legal aspects of this confrontation;  Raymond Gillespie;  the author discussed this campaign with Belford in 1973 and acquired the details:  Jim Saleam, op.cit., p. 8.

[247] “Nazi Death List”, Tribune, August 25 1971, p. 8:  In 1975, Mangan hospitalized Hatton with no police action.  It may be Hatton’s claims represented some sort of concealed truth.

[248] Raymond Gillespie;  Jim Saleam, op.cit., pp. 6-7.

[249] “Fascist Attacks On East Wind Bookshop”, Vanguard, April 12 1973, p. 4;  “Police Collude With Fascists In Attacks On Bookshops”, Vanguard, June 21 1973, p. 8 (a Sydney attack but useful in context);  “Make Fascist Attacks a Mass Question”, Vanguard, August 10 1973, p. 3;  Alan Knight, “Fire At Maoist Bookshop”, Nation Review, August 3-9 1973, p. 1296.  (This fire was lit as Captive Nations marchers paraded past the shop - with Nazis in attendance.)

[250] Witness A-3.

[251] Raymond Gillespie.

[252] Cass Young;  Gary Mangan;  the ‘official reason’ concerned Mangan’s ‘morality’.  He ran a brothel (which paid police).

[253] “Who Bombed Sydney Senator?”, Tribune, March 10 1972, p. 1;  “Political Bombings Here:  We Accuse”, Tribune, January 11 1972, p. 1.

[254] “Man Charged With Bombing CPA Goes Free”, Tribune, November 21 1972, p. 3.

[255] “Another Lesson From The Courts”, Vanguard, February 15 1973, p. 3.

[256] Gary Mangan;  State Reporting Bureau, The Queen v Gary John Mangan, for the technicalities of the case.  The ultra-liberal judicial intervention was remarkable.

[257] Kenneth J. Gibbett, Queensland NSPA Senate candidate 1970, in David Harcourt, Everyone Wants To Be Fuehrer, p. 115;  Gibbett later edited National Socialist Newsletter, which sold League theoretical material.  See NSN No. 4, August 1971, p. 6.

[258] “Communists Defy Bomb Terrorists, Brand The Guilty”, Tribune, April 25 1972, pp. 1, 3;  “Nazis Train To Kill”, Tribune, May 23 1972, p. 3 – for State disinterest in rightist violence.

[259] Edward Cawthron.

[260] Neil Garland;  in 1976 Garland allowed me to inspect the ‘current’ list of 73 Nazis (a dozen actives) and other documents and correspondence prior to their destruction.

[261] National Socialist Party Of Australia Agricultural Programme, Melbourne, 1972, was similar to the League’s position;  Labor Must Go, NSPA leaflet, 1973, attacked Labor on Vietnam and Murphy raid;  Restore White Australia, NSPA leaflet, referred to the traditional ALP stand;  National Socialist Bulletin, No. 29, October 1972, p. 1.

[262] Robin Sparrow;  Neil Garland;  Claude Woods.

[263] Arthur Smith;  Witness A-1;  Neil Garland.

[264] Robin Sparrow;  Neil Garland.  Cawthron resigned from the NSPA and shortly thereafter from WUNS.

[265] National Socialist Bulletin, No. 34, July 1974, pp. 1-2.  This Bulletin was edited by those who clearly thought “Nazism” was politically viable and potentially respectable.

[266] “Call For Action Against Fascist Terror Threats”, Tribune, January 21 1975, p. 2.

[267] “Workers Must Repel Nazi Right-Wing Threats”, Tribune, September 10 1974, p. 2.

[268] “Angry Students Send Four Nazis Running”, Daily Telegraph, September 14 1974, p. 1.

[269] “Call For Action Against Fascist Terror Threats”, Tribune, January 21 1975, p. 2.

[270] “Nazis Put Paint On Books”, Sun, January 3 1975, p. 4.  Action Report, undated NSPA members letter (probably early 1975), p. 1.

[271] “Nazis March In”, Courier Mail, February 1 1975, p. 1;  “Confrontation In The Street”, Sunday Mail, February 2 1975, p. 1.

[272] “Nazis Boast Training Camp In Queensland”, Tribune, February 11 1975, p. 2.

[273] “Nazi Death Squad:  We’ll Kill Cairns”, Melbourne Truth, March 22 1975, p. 2.

[274] “Nazis Boast Training Camp In Queensland”, Tribune, February 1975, p. 2.

[275] “Aussie Nazis Off To Vietnam”, Truth, April 12 1975, pp. 1-2.

[276] “Arabs Deny Nazi Links”, Melbourne Truth, April 12 1975, p. 3.

[277] “Police Guard ALP Man”, Brisbane Sunday Sun, December 1 1974, p. 3;  Action Report, undated NSPA members leaflet (probably Dec. 1974), p. 1.

[278] “Nazi Ross Meat In Power Play Sandwich”, Melbourne Truth, January 13 1976, p. 3, for Newcastle crank Arthur Tane’s activities;  Jim Saleam, Never In Nazi Uniform, pp. 11-14, for activities of ‘Radical Nationalists’ against the NSPA.

[279] NS Bulletin, un-numbered, January 1976, p. 2., denounced Tane, of the ‘White Christians League’, and “radical-nationalist” Saleam, and Cawthron.

[280] “Notices”, Nation Review, April 23-29 1976.

[281] Gordon Greenwood and Norman Harper (eds.), Australia in World Affairs 1961-65, Melbourne, 1968, pp. 84-5;  this work was published for the Australian Institute of International Affairs, a Round Table spin-off organization.

[282] Sean Brawley, “Long Hairs And Ratbags:  The ALP And The Abolition Of The White Australia Policy,” in A Century Of Social Change, Haymarket, 1992, pp. 202-219.

[283] Donald Dunstan, quoted in, Silent Invasion, ICA leaflet, undated.

[284] James Mackie (Professor Emeritus, Australian National University), “Oppy’s Assault On White Australia”, The Australian, letters, April 22 1996.

[285] Nancy Viviani, “Intellectuals And The Abolition Of The White Australia Policy”, in Nancy Viviani (ed.), The Abolition Of The White Australia Policy:  The Immigration Reform Group Revisited, Mt. Gravatt, 1992, pp. 33-39.

[286] R.G. Casey, The Future Of The Commonwealth, London, 1963, pp. 47, 76, 93.

[287] Leonie Foster, High Hopes:  The Men And Motives Of The Australian Round Table, Melbourne, 1986, p. 181.

[288] Katherine Betts, Ideology And Immigration, Carlton, 1988, pp. 104-5;  “Gorton Says:  Australia Will Abolish Racism”, Sydney Morning Herald, January 21 1971, p. 12;  Sean Brawley, op.cit., pp. 212-3.

[289] “True Or False?  Are Published Immigration Figures Accurate?” Viewpoint, No. 7, August-September 1971, pp. 1-4;  Did 25000 Non-Europeans Arrive Last Year?  ICA leaflet, 1972.  The numbers evoked no mass reaction.  The pleading tone of the material should be noted.

[290] Church Of Rome’s Apostolic Delegate Supports White Australia Policy, League Of Rights pamphlet, 1966.

[291] John Playford, “The Radical Right And The Rhodesia Lobby”, Outlook, No. 4, August 1966, pp. 15-18.

[292] “Keep Australia White Is Their Aim”, Daily News, April 5 1966;  “From Your Letters”, Daily News, April 12 1966, for a welter of public criticism of ‘racism’.

[293] “Ban Negroes Says WA Race Group”, Daily News, August 27 1968.

[294] Commonwealth of Australia, The Senate Election 1970.  State of Western Australia Statement Showing The Result.  Results:  David Smith 4536, Eric Langhorne, 328.

[295] Brenda Macintyre, Interview, August 1996.

[296] Ian Skipworth, Interview,November 1995;  Skipworth had also been a president of the W.A. Friends of Rhodesia and an associate of Cawthron’s NSPA 1969-70.

[297] Brenda Macintyre;  Ian Skipworth.

[298] Keep Australia White, White Australia Party leaflet, 1973;  WAP leader, David Smith was a South Perth City Council alderman (see:  David Smith For Civic Ward, leaflet 1995, and still campaigning Australia “not become a satellite colony of Japan”.);  News Letter, July 1974, pp. 1-4 (a Conservative Party bulletin)

[299] The Democratic Party Constitution And Rules, p. 1.

[300] Democratic Party Of Australia:  1970 Senate Election - Policy Statement, p. 7.

[301] Commonwealth of Australia, The Senate Election 1970, State Of New South Wales Statement Showing The Result.  Results:  Richard Bourke, 49996, George Matchett 2803.  The Democratic Party received the ‘donkey vote’ and hence its true support would be difficult to gauge.

[302] “Racial Leaflets Attack Parties’ Policies”, Sydney Morning Herald, April 8 1972, for an account of ICA activities;  ICA material could be crudely provocative:  “Do you want a brown Australia?  Have you seen the increasing number of brown and yellow faces in the streets lately?”, in “Multiracial Madness”, Viewpoint, No. 3, October-December 1970, p. 1.

[303] “Department of Immigration News Bulletin, No. 53”, May 7 1958, in AA CRS A6122/44 Item 1496 (British Australian Association).

[304] Lawrence Clapperton, conversation with author, 1979.  I met Clapperton for two hours with Frank Salter in a full discussion of the ‘anti-immigration movement’.

[305] Frank S. Salter.  Salter had connections to Urbanchich, Clark and other groups.

[306] “Cilento:  Keep Race Pure”, West Australia, September 20 1971, p. 3.

[307] Immigration Control Association Members Letter, July 1972;  Clark described Butler as an “internationally renowned speaker”.  “Racial Leaflets Attack Parties’ Policies”, loc. cit., for ICA differentiation from the League.

[308] Immigration Control Association, Confidential Memorandum for Members In Sydney Metropolitan Area, 7 November 1972;  “Report On The Election”, Viewpoint, No. 22, August-September 1974, p. 2.

[309] “Why Dr Mackay Lost Evans - And When”, Viewpoint, No. 14, December 1972-January 1973, pp. 1-4.


[310] Gary Laidlaw, Interview, 1995;  Neil Garland;  Nick Maina, Interview, 1996;  Each interviewee had attended WAPP meetings;  I have met other members also.  WAPP considered demonstrations, poster campaigns and other ‘non conservative’ efforts.

[311] Australian Conservative Party Members Leaflet, untitled, December 5 1973.  The party was founded in Sydney in November 1973.

[312] Immigration Control Association, Confidential Report For The Information Of Members Only, August 27 1973, p. 2.

[313] Australian Conservative Party Members’ Letter, September 1975.

[314] The Australian Conservative News And Views, August 1975, p. 3.  “The Australian Conservative Party is neither ‘Right’ Nor ‘Left’ in the outdated sense which divided people on class war lines.  It is a modern conservative Nationalist movement dedicated to unite the people of Australia in defence of the nation’s heritage ...”

[315] White Australian And Aborigines’ Defence League, form letter, December 1973, p. 1.

[316] The idea of this campaign was first with ICA.  See:  Immigration Control Association, Confidential Report For Members Only, June 19 1973;  “Riverina, Putting The Record Straight”, Viewpoint, No. 22A, October-December 1974, pp. 1-2;  Robert Clark, Immigration Control Association, National President’s Report, 1975.

[317] Al Grassby, The Morning After, Canberra, 1979, pp. 95-119;  “Grassby Must Go”, Viewpoint, No. 22A, for some of the anti-Grassby material.

[318] “Grassby:  Punch Up Offers In TV Race Row”, Sunday Mirror, May 26 1974.

[319] Al Grassby, op.cit., p. 82;  Commonwealth of Australia Electoral Commission, State Of New South Wales, Senate Election 1974, Statement.

[320] J.T. Lang, “White Australia Only True Labor Policy”, The Century, May 19 1972, p. 1;  J.T. Lang, “Whitlam’s Sensible Approach To Immigration”, The Century, October 20 1972, p. 1;  Lang repudiated his Whitlam error:  J.T. Lang, “Whitlam Attacks White Australia”, The Century, March 8 1974, p. 1.

[321] CIM reproduced by “permission” - J.T. Lang, “The White Australia Policy”, The Century, April 25 1969, p. 1;  “Letters To The Editor”, The Century, August 9 1974, August 30 1974, October 11 1974, September 20 1974.

[322] Arthur Calwell, “Hands Off Our Immigration Laws”, West Australian, January 27 1971;  Arthur Calwell, Be Just And Fear Not, Hawthorne, 1972, pp. 117-127.

[323] Arthur Calwell, Letter To Brenda Macintyre, May 26 1969.

[324] J.E. Menadue, A Centenary History Of The Australian Natives’ Association, Melbourne, 1972, pp. 251-254.

[325] Ian Hampel, Interview, 1996.

[326] Immigration Restriction Council Newsletter, November 1974;  Secretary’s Report, Immigration Restriction Council, February 6 1975;  Nick Maina could not give a precise membership of IRC - “perhaps a few dozens”.  The publications were not well produced.

[327] National Australia Association Constitution And Objectives, Doncaster, 1975, p. 2.

[328] Nick Maina;  NAA Appeal For Funds, members’ leaflet, 1975.

[329] Dr J.C.A. Dique, Letter To V. Lowe, November 4 1982.

[330] A Melbourne secret society predated Heritage Society.  See:  The British Brotherhood, leaflet, 1970.  The nine League-type points appeared including a new  one:  “a Union of British Nations within the Commonwealth” which anticipated other groups as the National Front of Australia and the “Crown Commonwealth League Of Rights”;  The Heritage Society, leaflet, 1971.

[331] NAA leaflets:  The Great Australian Takeover, As Aliens Pour In Australians Get The Sack, What Is Australia Worth To You? (1975), argued for restriction of immigration to Britain/North Europe and a claim immigration was somehow connected to communist conspiracy with a reference to issues such as job losses and university displacements.

[332] A New Political Movement With A Conservatively Progressive Outlook, ACP leaflet, 1975, said ACP “supports the continuation to the British connection and is opposed to the whitling away of ties linking Australia with Britain ...”;  but Confidential Circular For Members Only, October 1972, shows ICA opposed only “non-European” immigration and supported “European immigration where assimilation was the goal.”

[333] Brenda Macintyre;  Ian Hampel;  Alex Norwick, Interview, 1995.

[334] ICA’s fearful and critical attitude towards ‘anti-racial vilification legislation’:  See - “The Racial Discrimination Act 1974 Attacks Your Basic Right Of Free Speech”, Viewpoint, No. 23, January-February 1975, pp. 1-4;  Clark told me Dique handled approaches to the conservatives.

[335] Unconnected groups like the ‘Eureka Students League’ and ‘Radical-Nationalists’ also fit this category.  See elsewhere.

[336] ANWWP met on Ukrainian Club premises;  anecdotal and circumstantial information from Captive Nations activists Tiiu Simmul, Oleg Kavenenko, John Kedys;  discussions, 1976-79, with these E. Europeans judging it an “activist” ally.

[337] What Is Racial Socialism?  ANWWP leaflet, 1975;  Join The Australian Nationalist White Workers’ Party, poster, 1975;  Neil Garland affirms attempts were made by other Nazis to intimidate ANWWP into ‘union’ - which was rejected.

[338] Denis Freney, The CIA’s Australian Connection, Sydney, 1977, pp. 22-38;  E.F. Hill, The Great Cause Of Australian Independence, Melbourne, 1977, pp. 121-3;  Brian Toohey and Dale Van Atta, “New Light On CIA Role In 1975”, National Times, March 21-27 1982, pp. 12, 14-17;  “How The CIA Saw The 1975 Crisis”, National Times, March 28-April 4 1982, pp. 16, 18, 20.

[339] This Thesis would accept the argument in Andrew Moore, “Send Lawyers, Guns And Money!”, pp. 454-459.  Moore observed a subjection of the Right to State requirement in the anti-Whitlam fight.

[340] Jeremy Lee, States Rights Force Founded, LOR members’ letter, December 1973.

[341] John Harrison, “Faith In The Sunshine State:  Joh Bjelke-Petersen And The Religious Culture Of Queensland”, pp. 504-7.

[342] Save Our State, broadsheet, 1974.

Stop WHITLAM, SOS poster, 1975;  Down The Inflation Road To National Socialism - The Real Meaning Behind The Whitlam-Cairns-Coombs Programme, leaflet, 1974.

[343] The Petersen Plan, League Of Rights leaflet, 1974;  David Kitto, The Petersen Plan Campaign, League Of Rights leaflet, Adelaide, 1974;  An Open Letter to All Australian Housewives, League Of Rights leaflet, 1974(5).

[344] Freedom For The Baltic States, CFF members leaflet, September 1975.

[345] “Reaction Organizes - League Of Rights, R.S.L.”, Tribune, August 20 1974, p. 3.

[346] For some detail:  Social Sciences Resource Unit, Macquarie University, 1/D/7, Box 1;  “Anti Communism Crawling Out Of Woodwork”, Tribune, October 8 1975, p. 8.

[347] NAA Members Letter, September, 1975.

[348] “Another Right Group Formed To Save Free Enterprise”, Tribune, March 11 1975, p. 12.  Later Liberal Federal President John Valder was a speaker.

[349] “Ready For A New Guard”, Sun, August 20 1974, p. 5.

[350] Hines addressed at least one meeting of the Immigration Restriction Council in December 1974.  See Immigration Restriction Council Newsletter, March 1975, p. 14.

[351] National Australia Association, Members’ Letter, November 10 1975, did refer to “our former misgivings of the Liberal Party’s Left-wing divergence from ... Menzies (policy) ...”

[352] Nick Maina;  I have spoken with various persons who attended the meeting - Cameron, Clark, and others.  It seems Mackellar ‘offstage’ created this “impression”.

[353] National Australia Association Newsletter, February 1976, p. 2.  Field later attended League meetings in Brisbane.

[354] Peter Henderson, Edited Interview With Eric Dudley Butler, March 25 1997;  Eric Butler, The Truth, p. 86.

[355] The author was told this by Robert Clark (1981);  Vincent Lowe, Interview, 1996.  Lowe was an executive member of ICA/Conservative Party;  A Report From Deputation Which Recently Met The Minister For Immigration And Ethnic Affairs, April 29 1976, suggests a friendly response.  Clark and Lowe claimed later ICA members played a role in Mackellar’s Liberal ‘preselection’.  “At Last - A Realist”, Viewpoint, No. 29, March-April 1976, p. 1 praised Mackellar’s ‘Drive For British Migrants’;  “Dr Klugman’s Fascist Smear”, Viewpoint, No. 8, October-November 1971, p. 3 refers to a debate between Klugman and Mackellar in Parliament where the former inferred ICA’s endorsement of Mackellar.

[356] “Why There Are No A.C.P. Candidates”, The Australian Conservative News And Views, November 29 1975, p. 1;  “It Is Now Up To The People”, Viewpoint, No. 27, December 1975:  ICA noted the Liberal Senate struck down parts of the Racial Discrimination Bill:  “we have to thank the Liberal-NP coalition ...”, “to whom we owe no less than our continued existence as an association ...”

[357] Andrew Moore, The Right Road?, p. 58.

[358] ICA Confidential Members’ Letter, November 1972, warned of “National Socialist” candidates and to place them and Communist candidates - last.  Cawthron and Clark both admitted to meeting in 1970 and Clark advised Cawthron against ‘Nazi’ politics.

[359] “Important Announcement”, Viewpoint, No. 26, July-August-September 1975, p. 4.  This newsletter appeared in October 1975.

[360] Gary T. Marx and Douglas McAdam, Collective Behaviour And Social Movements, Englewood Cliffs, 1994, pp. 81-83:  “organizational resources”, “discretionary income”, and a “conscience constituent” were all available factors.

[361] “Those Vietnamese Refugees”, Viewpoint, No. 25, May-June 1975, pp. 2-3;  Opposition Leader Fraser’s “mistaken judgement” was roundly criticized for supporting admission of ‘boatpeople’ in larger numbers, over the limited response of the Whitlam government.