Inside The Kangaroo Reich:
Australia’s Neo-Nazis Under The Microscope - 1985-2000

Dr. Jim Saleam.
July 20 2000 (First Edition)

August 5 2001 (Second Updated Edition: Special Appendix)

The reader should refer to the other articles on the Kangaroo Reich sub-site for developments after this time. Some details of groups are now out-dated.

December 26 2009, some general editing.


"One of the great misfortunes of men who do not like democracy is surely that Hitler began his political action with nine comrades in the basement of a beerhall. Too many excellent young men have concluded that with a half-dozen pals and a mimeograph machine they were also going to seize power."

Maurice Bardeche, Suzanne Et Le Tandis, Paris, 1957.

"Ironically, the criminal idiocies of Nutzi and skinhead elements who still fetishize the relics of ‘grandpa’s fascism’, may actually hinder the incubation of newer and more sophisticated strains of ‘post-Hitlerian’ fascist ideology".

Kevin Coogan, Dreamer Of The Day: Francis Parker Yockey And The Postwar Fascist International, Brooklyn, 1999.

"I was just born to be a dictator."

David Palmer, television interview, Sydney, 1999.


Many people ask: what are these Australian neo-nazis who appear in the media? What are their political ideas and origins? Are Australian Nationalists involved with them? This pamphlet will tell you how the Australian neo-nazi movement of the period 1985-2000 was formed, who its members were and why it came to serve State interests. Some of the information has been published elsewhere, but most is new. Because the subject of the neo-nazis is a relevant one, it deserves examination. As Nationalist political struggle intensifies and patriotic movements of all sorts flower, the media cries "neo-nazi" to blunt their appeal. This pamphlet will show clearly the particularities of this strange political phenomenon. Some comment will be passed on earlier "Nazi" groups in Australia and overseas where it serves the present discussion. This pamphlet will also interest other patriotic people victimised by neo-nazi provocation and antics.


Introduction: Where Did It Come From? Start At Day One.

This Internet pamphlet was written partly because, for each new generation of Nationalists (and I do not simply mean ‘young’ Nationalists), it is necessary to ‘reinvent the wheel’. It is necessary to go over ‘old ground’ and answer questions asked countless times before. It is ‘basic training’. Questions are asked about the history of Australian Nationalism. Questions are asked (inevitably) about fascism. Because breeder-pools of neo-nazis exist, it is certain some people will come across them, along with their perverse smears of Nationalist activists and their peculiar ‘ideology’. Linked as they are to overseas sects, they survive long past their use-by dates. The media will mention them, almost in the hope new people might contact their post boxes; media ‘prays’ new enquirers can be twisted into mindless haters, deformed such that they cannot endure the hard process of cadre-formation, or in struggle, demonstrate their human worth. So we must start at the start, and arm you with the facts. Let us begin.

Contemporary Australian neo-nazism grew directly and indirectly from the actions of Perth identity, Jack van Tongeren. He inherited whatever there was of this ‘tradition’ on the Australian Right and tried to give it bite. Of course, neo-nazism has long since passed beyond his control. But its genesis goes back to 1985 when van Tongeren, in conformity with international neo-nazi ideology and practise, made a decision to build a neo-nazi organization. How did it come about?

We must go to the (Easter) April 1985 Australian National Action (ANA) conference. Jack van Tongeren announced to ANA members that he was actually a committed "National Socialist" (neo-nazi). His scheme to approach the conservative Right with a new political programme that would encourage them to ‘unite’ with the Nationalists, ideologically and physically - had been rejected by the Nationalists. But he was still nominally an ANA member. He remained hopeful of taking ANA over - and ‘Nazifying’ it.

Peter Coleman of Sydney was the only other ANA member to support van Tongeren’s position. I take you to Easter Monday. Two other conference delegates were in the ANA national office building. Coleman appeared with two copies of my Never In Nazi Uniform pamphlet. He was screaming, almost incoherent, in blind rage. "This shit, this shit", he shouted. He tore up the pamphlets.

This pamphlet had been the subject of the opening shots of the two days of near-bedlam which summed up this ‘Conference’. The ANA Committee had (supposedly) "wasted" the ANA funds printing it; the pamphlet was denounced as an unjustified criticism of one-time Australian National Socialist (Nazi) parties of the 1960’s and 1970’s; it allegedly had misinterpreted German Nazism. Then the discussion broadened out. Van Tongeren claimed the "Eureka Flag" was the "wrong emblem" for any Australian patriotic movement. For Coleman, it was the "banner of Jew poofters". It was said that if we approached the Conservative Right and tailored our programme to measure, we would construct a viable movement. We were "alienating" these "good people". Van Tongeren maintained that like Hitler, we should go down the road of winning the men-of-influence; he wanted to target the ordinary patriotic-monarchist/states-rights/pro-Flag guy which is okay as long as we seek to ‘upgrade’ him to Nationalist politics not abolish Nationalist politics to ‘recruit’ him. We had to be careful of "intellectuals" trying to lead us into "irrelevant" ways of doing things. This "irrelevancy" included National Action’s references to the Australian nationalist /labour/ republican tradition that we employed as motif and as our legitimizing style.

The Australian Nationalists were not moved. In the succeeding week it became clear that neo-nazism would never be embraced by ANA. On April 20 1985 (Hitler’s birthday), van Tongeren founded in Perth the (misnamed!) "Australian Nationalists Movement" (ANM). In his resignation letter to ANA, van Tongeren referred to a date with "destiny" occasioned by his new course. He had joined ANA in 1984 with a plan: to take charge and use its network to develop neo-nazism. But now he had to move forward upon his own resources. We would be in different camps.

Ironically, Australian neo-nazism as we know it, largely issued from the dispute at a Nationalist meeting. The shadow-war between the two ideas has continued ever since.

Currently, Jack van Tongeren sits in a Western Australian prison. This writer has called for a judicial inquiry into his convictions. I cannot speak ill of a man who was imprisoned not because he might have supported an ideologically faulted system, but because his illegal campaign against Asian-owned property in Perth (1988-89) damaged the pattern of trade and investment in Western Australia. Because his campaign did this (see below), he was treated with a show-trial peppered with falsity and perjury. Nonetheless, the formation of ANM was a watershed event, with long-term negative results for the formation of Nationalist political action.

The history of neo-nazism since van Tongeren’s imprisonment in 1989, has signified the politics of the lunatic-asylum, with State-provocation being a strong part of it. Indeed, the reader will meet the shadowy political-police informers who manipulate the neo-nazi milieu, sometimes to action against the Nationalists and other patriots.

This Internet pamphlet will offer the reader a unique insight into the ‘Kangaroo Reich’; it will go behind the media assertions of the neo-nazis’ activism. It will discuss them – and what they do. It will discuss those who are sincere and those who are ‘insane’, those who have started off down the road towards possessing political consciousness and those who cannot form ideas at all. It will on occasions explain ideology, because let’s be frank: neo-nazism is a smear term applied to a wide range of groups by journalist-propagandists. It is even a term rejected by some neo-nazis who insist they are not play-actors, but "National Socialists" (for us the distinction is not ideological, but only whether they are ‘crazy’ or otherwise). I shall therefore define the term in this text.

I return to the Easter Monday scene in 1985. What was clear was that I had touched a very raw nerve with a man who became one of our country’s prominent neo-nazis. On the front page of the pamphlet was a quote from Adolf Hitler:

"The descendants of the convicts in Australia should inspire in us nothing but a feeling of supreme indifference. If their vitality is not strong enough to enable them to increase at a rate proportionate to the size of the territories they occupy, that is their own look-out, and it is no use their appealing to us for help. For my own part, I have no objection at all to seeing the surplus populations of prolific Asia being drawn, as to a magnet, to their empty spaces. Let them all work out their own salvation! And let me repeat – it is nothing to do with us."

February 7 1945. (Hitler’s Testament)

In a letter to Nationalist writer Alec Saunders in 1986, Coleman wrote that he "doubted" Hitler had ever said any such thing. He inferred I had cooked up the quote from god-knows-where. He said Hitler’s ideology was the right one to achieve the ‘salvation’ of the white-race and recommended Saunders read Mein Kampf. And thereafter he told his contacts I had lied about what Hitler said of Australia. Of course, Coleman knew that the quotation was quite accurate.

The pamphlet Never In Nazi Uniform seemed to be in hindsight a catalyst too, but in defining Australian Nationalism. It set out what Nationalists were and what they were not. So we begin there on the road to meet the actors in our play – and the directors who move in the dark behind the stage.


1. The Australian ‘Nazi’ Parties: Denis Freney Issues A Smear.

In December 1984, Denis Freney, homosexual editor of the Communist Party paper Tribune, published Nazis Out Of Uniform. It was a hatchet job directed at ANA. It accused us of doing violence to a plethora of "anti-racists". It called for a Left/State alliance to beat back the new threat to "democracy" and "tolerance". It said that ANA practised a new international form of Nazi politics (which Freney said also involved "terrorism", "Strasserism" and the European "New Right" groups), but was grounded in the past activism of Australian Nazi ‘parties’. (Readers can understand Freney’s terms by consulting other material published on this Internet site. I cannot deal with this here.)

In January 1985, I issued a reply: Never In Nazi Uniform. I took Freney to task for his attempt to link Nationalism with international neo-nazism. Because there were personal attacks, my pamphlet covered a lot of ground. I took the story back to the Australian Nazi ‘parties’ of the 1960’s/1970’s with which Freney claimed I was involved as an activist.

Freney and his media groupies gained nothing from the exchange. For the first time in print, it was recorded that a link existed between these Nazi groups and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation and the Special Branch police apparatus.

Never In Nazi Uniform offered the reader a picture of those ‘Nazi’ groups. This pamphlet explained that they were not really part of neo-nazism as it was then (1985) evolving internationally. The main thrust of the earlier groups had been ‘anti-communism’; they considered Hitler the consummate anti-communist and set out to act as an anti-communist auxiliary force of value to the Liberal and Country parties. They cooperated closely with the political police. New evidence was advanced about the notorious ‘Ananda Marga’ frame-up of 1978, showing that the victim of an alleged terrorist bomb plot by an anti-racist sect, was a provocateur set up to blunt the activities of the ‘National Front’. It was said that the National Front was judged by ASIO to be a potential ‘ginger factor’ in Australian race-relations and with a neo-nazi claiming its leadership and becoming the victim of a terror attack, the legitimate group was side-lined. It was pointed out that contemporary Australian neo-nazism (such as it was) was concerned with ‘race’ not communism, and showed mixed features, hovering between provocation and imbecility. The pamphlet concluded that neo-nazism was an occasional waste of some young men who were thence lost to Nationalism. Yet, there were few neo-nazis to be had. That was the truth in 1984. Nonetheless, the ANA Committee had some concerns that neo-nazism might make an appearance and to offset this possibility a pamphlet for members simply entitled Neo-Nazism had appeared that year. It was directed to ‘Skinheads’ and others, and had some positive effects. Many were alerted to the neo-nazi fraud.

Never In Nazi Uniform was anathema to those who set out to build the ANM. The pamphlet sharpened the issues. In verbal jousts with the ANM thereafter, the Nationalists argued further, that modern international neo-nazism was a "syphilis" against which Nationalist movements had to guard. The ANM replied that my foray in print had revealed ANA was not even interested in opposing communism (which ‘proved’ we were communists – see below), and that I had lyingly denied the "pro-white" nature of National Socialism. Indeed, we openly announced that the Left was not our main enemy and that the Left often served as a stormtroop for Big Business internationalists. We were Australian Nationalists, not worshippers of a foreign cult.

2. What Is Neo-Nazism? The Central Ideas

The term demands a simple definition. It is sometimes difficult to be simple, but it is imperative that new (especially young people) who are entering the Nationalist struggle, and who may become exposed to neo-nazism in one way or another, know exactly what it is.

Neo-nazism is an ideology that is a synthesis of a number of specialised concerns. The synthesis is general, but the assorted expressions of the phenomenon may emphasise one point over another.

(i) A Hitler cult. As ‘founder’ of their movement, Hitler supposedly espoused a doctrine of white-race survival, not a version of Germanicist nationalism. ‘Therefore’ he represented a break with the past and the power of his cause showed he was a new type of man and his life was the unfolding of a quasi-divine racial purpose. Some say Hitler was an ‘avatar’ or spirit-master.

(ii) Rudolf Hess is conceived as symbolising the martyrdom of the Nazi movement into the contemporary age; this ‘prisoner of peace witnessed to the truth’. This view separates Hess’s imprisonment from any Cold Way symbolism or other considerations.

(iii) The survival of the White Race is considered not just the issue, but also the slogan, and the tone of ideological-political expression must be one that is universalist. The terrain is no longer ‘national’; hence the neo-nazi will deliberately shut himself off from the immediate national and social and cultural environment in which he moves, and therefore the specific identity into which he was born. He becomes only a "white man" and employs the special language of neo-nazism to express his ‘identity’. He lives in "White Pride", "White Power", "White Revolution".

(iv) The Holocaust issue is argued to have been a "Jewish hoax" – although some would prefer it occurs in the future. It is a key feature of urgent public propaganda. The neo-nazis mean not only the ‘gas chambers’ when defining the Holocaust, but minimise actions that were carried out in Eastern Europe against the Jews. It is noted nonetheless, that what the Zionists call ‘Holocaust-denial’, is not always the province of people with neo-nazi connections.

(v) The Jewish question must consequently be central to all political struggle and the Jews are seen as the workers of an age-long conspiracy against the "Aryan". This view is quite separate from considerations which might operate where Zionists function as an aspect of the ‘Western’ power elite - albeit with a specific agenda

(vi) The Second World War attracts neo-nazis who "revise" its history into the struggle of the Aryan for his rebirth within the context of Hitler’s Reich. The ‘revision’ goes beyond the general fight to ensure truth-in-history (ie. that not all Germans were ‘bad guys’, that the Allies committed war crimes and so forth) but is fundamentally an ideological attempt to present Nazi Germany as sinned against, never sinning, and the Nazi experience as the ‘Alamo’ of white race struggle, a fight which granted time for eventual victory.

(vii) The pre-history and barbarian history of the ‘Indo-European’ or Nordic-Germanic peoples provide neo-nazis with a mystical or moral code for existence. What in other movements is an unexceptional but balanced interest in racial history is extended into the mystery-based search for the Aryan genesis, the original Aryan civilization, the Aryan religion and the reason for the Aryan’s fall from grace. What is clear is that the prime movers of this movement have an "esoteric" belief system which connects these ‘core’ principles. This system is occult in form.

It is also obvious that neo-nazi groups appear in guises as different as Dr. William Pierce’s National Alliance (USA) and the "satanic-Nazi" music scene. Some Nazis use swastikas; some do not, at least in their public propaganda. Some call themselves ‘parties’; others are underground cells. Some attempt terrorism; others advocate propaganda methods. We are not here concerned with externals, but internals. We say that neo-nazism is an occult doctrine, a type of ‘religion’ and organizes in a cultic way. While some are attracted only to the ‘externals’, the leadership of a given group will adhere to the ‘religion’.

Any fair reading of the literature of the ANM, of certain Skinhead groups and of later neo-nazi sects, would bear out our interpretation of neo-nazi ideology.

Now that we have identified our "beast", let’s see if it could be valid in our Australian case.

3. German National Socialism And Australia: Some Hard Facts.

The neo-nazis have said that National Socialism was a sort of ‘white race’ ideology. The quote we cited from Hitler challenges that. However, the German Nazi state’s attitude towards Australia went a lot deeper than Hitler’s Testament, composed late in his career. The German attitude was essentially imperial and colonial and therefore did not even recognize the existence of an Australian Nationality. The evidence here is really quite overwhelming sourced as it is from German government documents and recorded in objective articles and reputable publications.

What is the truth? German Nazis regarded Australia as a "graveyard" of German blood and decried the assimilatory dynamism of the "Anglo-Saxons". They sought to maintain a separate German identity for German migrants; they sought to re-encourage pan-German feelings amongst Australians of German descent. For the latter purpose, the Nazi organization for ‘Germanism’ funded various efforts in the 1930’s to attract German-descended persons into cultural groups. The Nazi party also built a branch in Australia. The German Consul in Sydney Dr. Asmis was active in these efforts and authored material for consideration by the highest authorities. During the war, Germany considered the Japanese occupation of Australia would demand a "rescue" operation for ‘Germanic Australians’; they would be resettled to Tasmania or to the "Russian Eastern Territories". Other Australians would be abandoned to their fate.

White racial-nationalism? Not bloody likely! The neo-nazis have to confront these facts. New grouplets of neo-nazis that may emerge in the future will most certainly be introduced to these facts. Where can the evidence be found? The activist reader can examine:

Since these published items quote from Nazi documents, there really can’t be much doubt what Nazi state-policy was towards Australia.

When the neo-nazis got their wind in the 1980’s, the breadth of this material was not available. The lie factory lurking behind the ANM could deny the truth. The continuers of neo-nazism will maintain their lie that Nazism was some sort of white man’s redeemer faith. We are further compelled here to explain to the reader what Nazism actually was such that our criticisms of neo-nazism are understandable.

4. German National Socialism: Unpalatable Truths For Neo-Nazis.

Every political movement that develops world-historical significance will contain matter worthy of study and - occasionally – some application to strategy and tactics. Germany’s National Socialist German Workers’ Party and the Nazi state it forged, are no exception. Unfortunately, in the politics of the Right, Nazism has attracted people who misunderstand it fundamentally. There were those critics who saw it as a ‘commie’ plot to centralize power with the idea that we fight for a decentralised order based on constitutional government (Hello, League Of Rights!). Then there were the neo-nazis who imagined the party was an iron model to use to seize power. Its goals were thought worthy of re-statement.

There is little sense here in defining what was ‘good’ in the party and state. Rather, let us ask: what was it? And let’s keep it very, very, simple. Yet at the same time, let our definition serve our present discussion. Essentially: Nazism was the successful German form of fascism. This meant it represented a certain synthesis of nationalism and socialism. It also included a very special racial doctrine which experts call – Ariosophy. This doctrine was most certainly not supported by all people who joined the party, but it was supported by sufficient persons at the top to have driven the policies of state.

Ariosophy produced the ‘racial’ ideas of the Nazi state which have continued to attract neo-nazis. They imagine that these racial ideas express the idea of ‘white racial internationalism’. Rather, Ariosophy was an occult doctrine with poisonous political implications. The doctrine was cooked up in Austria-Hungary before the First World War and gained assorted supporters in Germany just before then and during the war. The ‘Thule Society’, which had a lot to do with the foundation of the Nazi party, was based upon it.

Essentially, Ariosophy merged together the ideas of theosophy and a certain folkloric-type Germanicism; its programme was one for a murderous Germanic imperialism directed at the Slavic peoples of Eastern Europe who were pronounced "inferior" to the Aryan Germans. It wanted to breed a new master race of ‘blonds’, to rid the earth of the ‘anti-Aryan’ – the Jew – an enemy no longer even human but a mystery-worker of racial evil. What neo-nazis do with the external Nazi race policy is the old alchemists trick: they say that when Nazis said ‘Aryans’, they meant ‘the white race’. In fact, not only did Nazi racism denigrate most of the white race, it was an occult idea of what constituted the Aryan race. For the Nazis, the Aryans were a sort of ‘chosen’ people that had produced great civilisations, only to see them fall. A cosmic struggle had begun to ensure the survival of this race and the key to win the battle was to understand the ‘truths’ of Aryan racial history and character. Special secret and/or knightly orders of men could learn this secret knowledge.

When put into motion the idea of a Germanic Reich resting upon the Eastern lands, led the German army to Russia – and disaster. It was for fuel for Hitler’s war. It created a counter-nationalism in the Russian people of whom most chose for Stalin.

The personality of Hitler, the ‘avatar’ of the neo-nazi fantasy, subordinated nationalist-socialist politics to the pursuit of the racial myth. Even when, during the war, a policy of friendliness towards the Slavic peoples who were enslaved under communism, might have won decisively, Hitler declined it. And, contrary to the neo-nazi liars, many Germans who did embrace the idea of liberating the Slavic peoples from communism were in absolute opposition to state policy. Further, those ‘Nazis’ who came to think of a new ‘European Federation’ were rebuked by Hitler who preached German supremacy over Europe.

The evidence here is overwhelming, but the neo-nazis deny the truth. They say: what of all those "Aryans" from all of Europe rallying to beat Russia’s communist hordes? Didn’t the Waffen SS prove the pan-European idea inspired Nazism? The evidence says otherwise! The fascists of other European countries had no interest in Hitler’s Eastern Empire and fought regardless for a ‘New Order’, as did many of Hitler’s own German SS. With other fascists with a different policy of European-ism, and people within the German state rejecting anti-Slavic racism, we are left in a mess wondering which ‘Nazism’, which ‘fascism’ are we talking about??!! One thing is certain, the neo-nazis don’t even know the history they try to base themselves on.

The neo-nazis also get mixed up very badly over the question of how the Nazi Party came to government in the first place. This confusion has had political results. Across the world, until recent times, most neo-nazis (and the Aussies were no exception) thought that the Right-wing parties in post-war Germany were only ‘softer’ versions of the Nazi Party, not willing to go the whole way in beating communism. The German business, political and military elites were thought to be ‘national’ in character and in the bad times of the Depression they rallied to the loudest voice with the toughest street-fighters. This meant that neo-nazis would wait for bad economic times and persuade the boys at the Stock Exchange to lend a hand and they’d get rid of the commos. The rich might object a bit but as part of the pay-off, the neo-nazis would protect white society from immigration. Until the big boys ‘recognized’ their saviours, neo-nazis would get out there and bash leftie heads. The plan was utter rubbish.

Eventually in the 1980’s and definitely in the 1990’s all neo-nazis, even the most moronic, could see that Big Business was internationalist to its bones, that there were few communists to protect us from, and not the slightest chance in hell in this society would even the mildest form of ‘rightist’ want anything to do with them. Hitler Plan Number One could not be used. Overseas and in Australia, neo-nazis tried other ideas. In desperation, some thought in terms of apocalypse, so we heard of slogans like ‘Race War Now’, and the cult book The Turner Diaries which argued for terrorism. Plan Number Two was a little more ‘realistic’, but hopeless beyond measure.

Australia’s neo-nazis went through Plan Number One under van Tongeren between 1985 and late 1986. They approached all the conservative groups, published literature about communism and so forth – and were shown the door. So, after 1986, the ANM devised Plan Number Two based upon The Turner Diaries. Coleman printed a pirate-edition and palmed it off on ANM for profit – a real irony as the reader will soon learn.

Neo-nazis become dedicated to the resurrection of the faith by whatever means can be applied. Occasionally still, the ‘respectable’ route is proposed with a slightly disguised neo-nazism.

The exposure of the truth about the Nazi state to Nationalist fighters, was a hard struggle. It continues. The neo-nazis always target young people with their papers, bright picture books of Nazi German glory and the Nazi-part of the Skinhead music scene. In Australia, the neo-nazis resisted the truth by slander against the Nationalists, threats, and later in the 1990’s actual violence and property damage. The same has occurred overseas. Throughout the 1980’s parties like Australian National Action, the British National Front, the French Third Way and many others, struggled to fend off the neo-nazi smearing of their activities courtesy of the journalist class, as well as the actual provocations of the neo-nazi groups. The great breakthrough in the 1990’s was the emergence of an accurate academic literature which demonstrated not only the truth about the German Nazi ‘racism’, but analysed the occult twistings of neo-nazi ideology. Side by side with this development, were the new movements of European (and even American) nationalism, particularly Eastern European nationalism, which by their sheer weight of numbers smothered the neo-nazis. By 2000, even in Germany where there was a ‘revival’ in the early 1990’s, this political syphilis is on the retreat. In America, the neo-nazi disease (which is strongest in the U.S. and a constant problem for genuine American nationalists) is under constant challenge.

Against the neo-nazis, now stood the truth, the truth demonstrated in the work of scholars and by the action of the nationalists. . But truth never gets in the way of a good story! Indeed, the scholarly texts have a place in this work of exposure. Goodrick-Clarke's Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism And The Politics Of Identity, 2001 tells us that neo-nazis operate a religion with an occultish formula. The study of this work by Nationalists may contribute to a fuller understanding of the problems of ideological-political-formation. We shall see!

5. Denis Freney Knows Too Much. Australian Neo-Nazism In 1989. A Conspiracy In Motion.

In the years 1987-89, the ANM grew beyond Perth and intertwined with Skinhead groups. The idea of Turner Diaries terrorism was an inspiration. Not that ANM planned murder or the threat of murder and mass psychological terrorisation of people by real property damage that threatened life (the very and ‘necessary’ definition of terrorism), but rather it decided to incite racial tension in Western Australia, raise funds by extensive break/enter/steal offences, take charge of other competitor right-wing groups and incite eventual racial chaos. The script taken from this book caused a number of Asian restaurant arsons and robberies that yielded possibly $800,000 of stolen goods. All this happened between September 1988 and May 1989.

The ANM was now a volatile organization. Peter Coleman was its Deputy Leader. Trial evidence given by an ANM member in 1990 would say that van Tongeren was under "pressure" from a so-called "inner core" in the "eastern states" to escalate action and prove the ANM was the coming revolutionary organization. Did ANM’s ‘Deputy’ push this line? Coleman had recently returned from Germany where he met AIDS-ridden neo-nazi fuhrer, Michael Kuehnen. The ANM was now linked to the demi-world of international nutzism. Times were inspiring the ANM to further action. But by early 1989, there was rottenness right inside ANM.

In 1999, files from the New South Wales Special Branch, were opened. Into my hands came two documents, one openly authored by Freney, and the other – obviously his work. The first was a submission to the National Inquiry Into Racist Violence (set up by the Human Rights And Equal Opportunity Commission and which operated in the critical period 1988-91, see below) and the second, a ‘briefing’ of sorts undoubtedly distributed to his leftist and media mates.

Freney was somewhat confused in one point he made, referring to the neo-nazi leader of the 1970’s and early 1980’s, Robert Cameron, as a leader of ANM in Sydney. Other than that, his storyline was significant, even if coupled with some wishful and erroneous thinking. He wrote:

"The possibility therefore exists that Cameron and the ANM in Sydney, at least, is being used by the Special Branch as a controlled organisation by Special Branch to keep tabs on neo-nazi activities, as they seem unable to directly infiltrate National Action. Claims that National Action is losing members and support among skinheads could mean that it is the ‘ANM’ that is winning them, upstaging the Saleam group by their open anti-semitic activities" (Submission)

"It has been suggested that Special Branch, given its long use of neo-nazis as informers, and its practise of allowing them a certain level of criminality, is using people such as Cameron to keep tabs on NA, which is said to have been difficult to directly infiltrate…It is also suggested that NA may be losing support to another group forming around ANM (being also more openly anti-semitic), possibly involving Cameron." (Briefing document)

The problem is: how did Freney have certain details right? As the reader will soon see, it was not "Cameron" who was the questionable character, but rather, David Palmer. And again, the new group was forming "around" ANM; it was the ANM in name, but something different in quality. Of this business, van Tongeren knew nothing. Freney could only have known all this if he was told. He could only have been told by the political police. Freney was demanding they act against Australian National Action. He was offering them the help of the Communist Party and other Left groups in whipping up anti-racism. He endorsed in the pages of Tribune a new ‘neighbourhood watch’ scheme to identify members of ANA. He was valuable to the political police so they made him privy to their operation. Yet he couldn’t help himself; as an inveterate hater of the old Nazi party, he blabbed about the ANM connection to the Inquiry and to other leftists. He asked the Inquiry not to make his Submission available to police, but the Inquiry must have since I found it in a Special Branch file. It’s a dirty world for informer-dogs!

It is also relevant to note that the new ‘ANM’ Freney was talking about had not yet begun to try and manipulate the Skinhead groups and to turn them against National Action. This only occurred in late 1989, after the arrests of the ANM leaders in August. What Freney is telling us is that he knew what the new ‘ANM’ was going to do before they did it!! Obviously, again, the political police had given Freney some information such that he could help the overall plan when the time came. This is incredible stuff and proves by inference the depth of political police connivance with the neo-nazis.

The period 1988-89 was a decisive time in the Nationalist struggle. Powerful forces were working for the suppression of Nationalist and patriotic groups. A bogus Human Rights Commission National Inquiry Into Racist Violence was announced in December 1988. It aimed to gather material to support "Anti-Racial Vilification Legislation" (ARVL). Ron Castan who was instrumental in the notorious Mabo Case on Aboriginal Land Rights was crucial in the false Inquiry (after all, there could be no Land Rights in the new Asian Australia Castan worked for!). Investigations by security agencies into the membership of Nationalist, patriotic and the neo-nazi groups, had begun in August 1988 (see: New South Wales Police Special Branch File on S.W. Rosier – in author’s possession; ASIO’s Report To Parliament 1988-89).

The Sydney section of ANM presented the political police with an opportunity. Here was a group connected to the Perth branch which must have been suspected of being involved in the Asian restaurant arson offences. Intelligence could be collected from afar. Further, ANM in Sydney had a very negative attitude towards ANA and to this author. We were regarded by this clique as enemies to be brought down if possible. Information could be collected on National Action and possible operations planned against it using ANM as the tool. The Sydney section of ANM had never prospered and included at best about seven persons. But they were all placed to have information on Sydney Nationalists and other patriotic people. There were grudges to work off. Coleman had argued with Mr. W.D. Smith, a member of ANA. In an acrimonious exchange, Smith had come out the victor in a physical fight. Another neo-nazi, Robert Leys (below) had infiltrated his way into National Action and was ejected forcefully from our offices. It was square-up time.

The two leading figures in Sydney ANM in early 1989 were Peter Coleman and David Palmer. My readers can unravel the truth about Australian neo-nazism only by a look at their activities. Let us see where the evidence leads us.

6. Who Is CC18? This Question Must Be Answered. A Nazi Mystery.

The proceedings of the 1994-97 Royal Commission Into The New South Wales Police Service contained revelations that strike at the neo-nazi gang. In the Special Branch sequence of evidence on March 11, 12, 13 1997, the Commission referred to a certain Special Branch informer. He was given the code CC18. This pamphlet will identify this informer.

The Commission Code was ironic. The whole world knows about the British neo-nazi group Combat 18. The ‘18’ stands for the first and eighth letters of the alphabet – AH (Adolf Hitler). The C18 gang was exposed as a provocateur gang under the control of MI-5 and Special Branch. The leader of C18, Charlie Sargent, had worked hand in glove with these intelligence agencies for years. His prime target: the British National Party, a nationalist party, which was making progress in the years after 1993 when C18 was established (!) Sargent made dire threats of a "race war", mobilized some impressionable kids who wanted to be "tough" and staged a number of provocations. These "tough" kids were incited against the "soft sell-out British National Party"!) After Sargent was jailed for murdering a supporter, the truth came out. He worked for the State. He even helped Special Branch collect information on Loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Sargent was an important tool, not some stereotypical neo-nazi loon.

Was our own CC18 up to similar tricks?

The reader has seen that Freney rightly referred to certain goings-on in the ranks of the ANM. Somehow, Freney was aware of confidential material. His submission to the National Inquiry was dated March 13 1989. The Special Branch files revealed that on March 17 1989, someone (named blacked out) was interviewed about members of Australian National Action. This ‘someone’ had a lot to say. Now there were a number of possible suspects. And Peter Coleman, was one of them.

But first, what do we know about CC18? This informer was male; he had been offered and refused telephone and vehicle expenses. Now that alone excluded a couple of other possible ‘suspects’. Certain Sydney neo-nazis had neither phones nor vehicles. He came on board officially around May (possibly June) 1989. Most of his contacts with Neville Ireland were by telephone and he had Ireland’s home telephone number; CC18 would call ‘home’ at an agreed day and hour. The latter implied a high degree of trust. We know Ireland worked almost exclusively on the ANA/ANM cases in 1989-90 and logically CC18 related to these cases. He was also ‘important’ since Ireland passed him on officially to another officer who claimed large sums from the Informants Fund as "payments" to CC18. Only an important informant would merit substantial payments, if in fact, payments were being made. Of course, Ireland and other officers were stealing from the Informant's Fund.

In November 1990 at Parramatta Local Court, Coleman appeared as a witness in a case aimed at the author. He said that he had had telephone conversations with Ireland and discussed "this and that", passed over "gossip" about National Action and answered (unspecified) questions about the ANM. Ireland also testified. He was asked directly whether Coleman was an informant and his reply was significant. Rather than decline to answer the question as one governed by privilege ("I can neither confirm nor deny …."), his answer was a deceptive perjury. He said that he preferred to say Coleman was a "contact". To the layman, a ‘contact’ is a person we casually know etc.; but in Special Branch language, it was the very term for informant (!) This fact was not known at the time of the case. We may take it from the evidence of both that Coleman was an informant; but was he CC18? It was said too in evidence by each, that their contact was generally by phone. In 1997, a person acquainted with Coleman ‘innocently’ told the author that Coleman had Ireland’s home phone number.

Taken together, the Commission evidence and the Parramatta evidence confirm Coleman as an informant and almost certainly as CC18.

CC18 was uniquely placed in the affairs of different groups to serve State interest. If CC18 was already talking to Special Branch in March 1989, we are entitled to ask many questions.

The reader should know that Peter Coleman usually denies being CC18; but he equally refuses to provide any explanation whatsoever about his dealings with Ireland. Finally, Coleman did make an admission that he was indeed CC18; this confession was given to an activist in the anti immigration cause and provided by me in 2002 (and for appropriate reasons!) to the Western Australian Commission Of Inquiry - into policing in that State.

We observe there was ever any ‘moral’ opposition on Coleman's part to becoming an informer. Quite the contrary. Coleman is well-known as a militaria salesman on a considerable scale and has operated this business for years; he is a consummate merchant (to use the common phrase) so much so that his neo-nazi business associates called him "Jewboy"; he described several of his associates in years past as "losers"; he was consumed in hate of National Action; he had a fear of imprisonment. There was no reason why he should not ‘inform’.

I go one step further: if Mr. Coleman was not an informant, I shall unreservedly apologise in print and in public-notices columns of the daily press. Could I be any fairer? On the other hand, I call upon Mr. Coleman to come forward and make formal statements - to undo the wrongs he has committed.

The most startling aspect of CC18’s activities concerns the ANM’s political violence campaign. Coleman knew about this campaign. He knew ANM in Perth was burning Chinese restaurants and committing other offences. He admitted this to members of ANA. In May 1989, a bombing occurred. What conversation occurred between Ireland and Coleman about this bombing? Was information given about other offences? Was the kitchen getting too hot for CC18, and to use a phrase often used by Peter Coleman, did he wish to – "bail out"? I also reveal here for the first time, that ANM in Sydney ostensibly had a plan to arson a community-centre in the Marrickville area. The crime did not go ahead. It was set for May 1989. Was this the thing which caused CC18, who was already passing over detailed information about ANA, to "bail out" of the ANM? There exists an even more disturbing possibility. If the relationship between Ireland and CC18 began in March 1989, was anything said which alerted Special Branch to ANM’s guilt in the Perth campaign? Did Special Branch tell ASIO, and did ASIO, rather than ensure van Tongeren committed no more offences, allow the crime spree to deepen – in the hope a ‘terrorism trial’ would be the result? These are serious questions which remain unanswered.

We should realise too, that David Palmer had secretly joined ANM in Sydney at a date early in 1989. Further, when on August 14 1989, arrests of ANM members took place in Perth and Sydney, the New South Wales police knew exactly where to find two of their Sydney suspects. Who informed? With the old ANM out of commission, a new dawn for nutzism was on the horizon. The dynamic duo now had a new personal-political agenda: to reinvent neo-nazism as an open swastika-clad screaming cult without even the refinements of a van Tongeren, who at least, had masked it a little and had a strategy in mind. So let us now place David Palmer under our microscope to set more of the scene.

7. David Palmer: Putting The DICK Into DICKtatorship!

One criticism of Palmer offered to us by a former supporter – stands out from all the rest. It seems that one bright day (in 1988), this otherwise unexceptional person, rolled out of bed believing he was - ‘Der Fuhrer’. Now at 63 years of age, our fuhrer is still hard at work. His actual entry into the rightist scene is covered in obscurity.

In Palmer, there is no attempt not to play the media game. Der Fuhrer once offered a sperm service to worthy white females. He said "nationalist saboteur groups" would attack the 2000 Olympic Games. He told a journalist with Penthouse magazine that his Nazis committed innumerable violent ‘racist’ offences and symbolised racial perfection. On national television, he made reference to arms caches. He has posed in German styled uniforms, given Hitler salutes and sang German-language marching songs for current affairs’ television. Logically, we are dealing with a crank.

Palmer has a curious array of stories about his past and present. On one day, he’ll say he was once a member of the Queensland Country (and later National) Party, and on another he says it’s the Liberal Party. Actually it was both, as documents produced to me revealed! He has claimed to be a speed-reader, a former Naval Intelligence officer and a KKK leader. He confirms that ASIO come regularly to see him and that they try to pump him for information; yet, he tells us how he wins the battle of wits and learns a lot which he can apply. Palmer claims to have bashed wayward members and imposed his will over the neo-nazi movement. To me, he claimed that his ‘party’ would never be successful and he knew it. His role was to take the heat off others over the issue of neo-nazism for which they would eventually reward him. On better days, he was planning for armageddon and racial-rebirth. By his account he has dominated the neo-nazi scene for ten years. The over-riding question should be 'where did he come from?' in 1988, when he joined the Sydney ANM. Was he already known to ASIO from long-ago? He admits to "attending ASIO courses" (when?).

The ‘ANM’ was transformed on April 21 1990 into the ‘National Socialist Defence Of Australia Party’ (NSDAP: the same initials as Hitler’s party, which made Coleman’s Nazi replica-armband collection a saleable product!), sometimes known later as the ‘National Socialist Defending Aryan People Party’.

The first act of the new group was to telephone the offices of ANA late on foundation-night, and make death threats to this writer and his five month old son. The threats were made by Graeme Royce, a creature of 1960’s neo-nazi groups. The threats were tape-recorded.

Palmer’s path to the foundation of the NSDAP needs some examination. On a date around March 20 1989 (again: those March dates!!), Palmer fronted at the Sydney ANA office posing as an interested member of the public. He paid $20 to subscribe to a bulletin and purchased assorted materials. He was not heard of by ANA again, until January 1990 when he answered an advertisement in an ANA circular for an electrician to repair a printing press (Palmer is a licensed electrician). He appeared, but made no mention of his ANM connection. In the next three months he attended a few ANA functions. His main interest seemed to be to meet people, finally arousing suspicion for his insistence that he wanted to meet (the few) people expelled from the party such that he could use them productively. It was decided that Palmer was a fake and his desire to contact a few expellees possibly related to the Special Branch plan uncovered by us (but not acted on) for the constitution of another ‘National Action’ in Sydney. This group was to organize provocations to our discredit while claiming the real party was a crook operation (!) On April 24, Palmer came to the ANA office to announce he was the "fuhrer". Interestingly too, the NSDAP was founded one week after a group of neo-nazi skinheads in Melbourne got together and decided to falsely appropriate the name ‘National Action’. It is a fact that detective Ireland phoned the ANA offices on April 18 1990 to "enquire" about this "new NA group" (gloating??!!). We cannot accept these sorts of ‘coincidences’!

Who joined this NSDAP? Estimates given to the Nationalists suggest that about thirty persons were at different times connected to it in the years 1990-1995. Possibly another twenty or so became acquainted with it since 1995.

Palmer provided an insight into his ‘members’. Secretly tape-recorded in 1994 (the tape has been circulated by the author), he said:

"I disagree with some of Hitler’s judgments, but, you know, time marches on; some of the eugenics theories were incorrect, and, of course, we’re going to get more and more accurate as we understand genetics too. I mean Hitler would have sent every schizophrenic and mental defective to the gas chamber forty years ago, and led them into the gas chamber. You know they used to give them a cup of tea with a sedative in it. Then they used to put them in this room four to six at a time, and then they used to flood the room with carbon di-oxide. The people peacefully went off to never-never land. And then they cremated them and sent the ashes home. Now we, I don’t do that. I find these people useable, now that we’ve got those modern drugs that we developed in the last thirty years."

"I’ve been working with these sort of people now for about five years. Now, I get more work, resources and action from these sort of people, than I get from the others. Now, I have to put up with them, cos that’s all I’ve got…"

"Now the other thing is that because the drugs that they take are so good nowadays, right, the only trouble starts to loom on the horizon are when they don’t take their drugs. Now in the meantime I have a pretty good system. I have a buddy system whereby I make sure that each one watches the other one take their tablets, and if they don’t I get a phone call immediately to let me know they’re not taking their tablets, and I’m down there and I make’em take’em. Now I have developed a technique for handling and using these people. In the long run, who’s to say whether I’m right or wrong?"

It was clear that Palmer was telling the truth about the ‘quality’ of most of his members. Yet, while the media was always on hand to report the latest outrageous statement, his ‘use’ of the mentally-defective did not seem to produce much by way of organization. I have examined the paltry few publications of the NSDAP group since 1990 (and a paper ‘ANM’ which officially worked side by side with Coleman as ‘Leader’ and Palmer as ‘Deputy’) and found nothing to indicate any substance. A few posters (often, crude swastikas only), some leaflets and the odd newsletter make up the collection. Any serious journalist could have worked out there was a fraud in action. But few even bothered to look behind the assertions of activism.

The provocateur nature of this NSDAP comes through when we look at particular ‘attitudes’ assumed by Palmer. In a piece in Sydney’s Telegraph newspaper in June 1999, Palmer said that his Nazis offer their assistance to all sorts of rightist groups. If these groups reject the Nazis, they "sabotage" them as best as possible. ‘Sabotage’ is an interesting term. It seems the neo-nazis worm their way into the company of various rightist groups; sometimes they conceal their actual political flavour and sometimes tone it down to appear helpful. Demands are made. Once the target group says ‘no’ to their advances, the harassment starts. What must be clear to Palmer is that the groups basically don’t want to know him; so why are the same lines of approach run when the plan all the way along is – sabotage?

However, the tactics employed have had other peculiarities. One aim seems to be to acquire detailed information about a group. The Palmer neo-nazis function as great information-collectors. Why do they want this information? Interestingly too, whenever a group has been a target for State disruption or smear, the neo-nazis operate the same smears against the same targets. How come? Is this information traded with intelligence agencies for ‘protection’ such that neo-nazis can engage in criminal activities?; or such that they can indulge their political fantasies without harassment? A lot of information passed to other groups might more accurately be dubbed – misinformation. The information trade has also produced scuttlebut on a massive scale; a veritable flow of falsity has issued from the neo-nazis about a whole array of Nationalist and patriotic people. Always, the neo-nazis seem to know everything, the most intimate damaging material, the absolute truth about everyone. Yet, how could they know these details? Obviously, they couldn’t, and the stories are in any case, lies.

The Palmer group has dangerous potential. In a letter to the author, Brisbane neo-nazi "Duane" ( I decline to place his surname here; his letter was published in a document distributed in 2001), confirmed that in 1998, David Palmer tried to introduce to him the idea of murdering me. This scheme could be dismissed if it was not corroborated in (yet another) tape-recorded conversation. In 1999, Palmer was recorded saying that he had discussed the possibility of kidnapping and murdering me, but on this (undated) occasion Coleman disabused him of the notion. These sorts of threats were commonplace. Over time, other ‘rightist’ people have been subjected to similar threats. The problem might lie in the possibility that a disturbed individual could decide to act on Palmer’s suggestions. Who is served by all this?

In 1997, as a result of circumstances I cannot describe here, I had a conversation with Palmer at the University of Sydney. I referred to the recent fall of Neville Ireland at the Royal Commission into police corruption. Palmer may deny the conversation occurred or its actual content, but I affirm it. The reader can choose who tells the truth. I say that Palmer agreed that his associate Peter Coleman did speak regularly with Ireland throughout the 1990’s. He then said a smear-document of me would be issued by "other Nazis", that they were collecting information for this purpose. Why? No answer! He admitted the neo-nazis had invented stories to "discredit" certain patriotic people.. Why? No answer. Then a lapse. "I know what you think. You think I work with the political police agencies. I’ve got more out of them than they’ve ever got out of me." Really?

The 1990’s provided the neo-nazis with a wide field for their scripted games. Many groups have suffered the harassment of this gang. The Palmer group has found a singular way to ‘enter’ some groups. At different points, some rightist groups have had factional controversies. The neo-nazis have attached themselves to one faction, peddling their ‘information’ and providing very keen assistance to their chosen faction. Disaster follows for all.

Section nine records some of the specific destabilisation operations conducted by the Palmer/Coleman neo-nazis against various groups and people. Suffice to say here, Palmer is still busy. He will be heard of again and again. The reader should note that the neo-nazi milieu has been wider than the NSDAP clique. So, let’s get out our microscope yet again.


8.Naming Groups. Naming Names.

The evidence suggests we are dealing with many unbalanced individuals. Yet, that is not always the case, and the undeniable tragedy of neo-nazism, from the point of view of the Nationalist, must be that decent persons (usually youth) may be attracted to it. This would include the Skinhead groups whereby it was always very wrong to suggest all were tainted by a few idiots who attached themselves to this interesting sub-culture. Indeed in recent years, some groups have moved well outside of the negative scope. That has certainly been so from the time this pamphlet first appeared. I mention several groups here, noting again that real evolution has taken place in some cases and they are included here only because of the history and some public memories.

Here is some basic history on identified groups.

First: the White Aryan Resistance. Founded in Melbourne from Skinhead groups in 1991. It ceased operations in 1993, being the only neo-nazi group known to ‘denazify’ in that period. It then became ‘White Australian Resistance’ until petering out about 1997. In its later non-nazi period, its publications were Nationalist and well thought out. For some time in Melbourne (1991-4), there was an active neo-nazi scene, encompassing several grouplets which operated in a 200 strong Skinhead sub-culture. As ‘WAR’ moved out of neo-nazism, others took up the ground. The atmosphere of alcohol consumption and even petty crime and some drug taking did not encourage real political formation and by 1995, this particular Skinhead sub-culture began to fade away. This phase expired by the late 1990's. Significantly, some with connections to it were not contaminated by it.

Second: the Australian National Socialist Movement (ANSM). It came on the scene in Brisbane in 1993. It was chiefly an ex-Skinhead group, led by Gary Robson, an English migrant who favoured the Union Jack over the Eureka Flag as the expression of Australian Identity. It no longer exists, possibly breaking up in 1999. Robson made various threats of violence against ANA Chairman Michael Brander, and other members of that party. Links may have existed with C18. The ANSM appeared at One Nation Party rallies in 1998, much to media-Left delight.

Third: Southern Cross Hammer Skinheads. The Melbourne based group was connected to the internationally well-known and professional band, ‘Fortress’. The group was essentially 'non-political' and certainly did harbour some non-neo-nazi opinion. This trend grew stronger. It functions now (2009) in a few States. The potential for a working class nationalist youth movement had always existed there. By about 2005, that was a clear trend and the SCHS seem to have professionalised and upgraded their work. Targetted as it is by media, State forces and anti-fascist (sic) activism, the SCHS may evolve further.In times of unemployment and a loss of identity on the part of Australian youth, the SCHS may indeed be heard of.

Fourth: Blood And Honour. A Skinhead and ex Skinhead group connected to an international movement of the same name. It seemed to have vanished off the scene after a weak presence throughout the 1990’s in most capital cities. But it has revived. It also contained non-neo-nazi opinion. Again, there was noted a potential for a youth nationalist orientation. Like SCHS, it too has professionalised and been targetted by media, State forces and anti-fascist (sic) activism. For several years, an annual concert in honour of 'Skrewdriver' founder ('Skewdriver': an iconic Skin band in Britain), Ian Stuart, has been held in Melbourne. This event has allowed deeper discussion amongst participants and this has developed the commitment to constructing a relevant political sub-culture. Further evolution in Blood and Honour can be expected.

Fifth: the Aryan Guard. Criminal garbage from around Melbourne. A mid-1990’s ‘creation’, now thankfully dispersed. Some were imprisoned for assorted low-life offences.

Sixth: ANM residue around ‘Crazy Chris’ Bartle in Perth. There were only a few members and it was given to provocation in the years 1995-2000. Bartle had been imprisoned in connection with the ANM violence campaign.The White Wolves was a type of descendant structure which formed after van Tongeren's release from prison in 2002. This group played a role in setting him up yet again which resulted in further prison time.

Seven: the National Socialist Party of Australia. Formed in Sydney in 1997, it went for about two years as a new Coleman/Palmer lash-up with some followers in Melbourne and Brisbane. The Brisbane group was small enough to live in a house in Moorooka. Each ‘resident’ had a code name: Donitz, Striker (sic), Himmler and Hess. The NSPA tried to look as if it was a ‘serious’ revival of the ‘old’ 1960’s/1970’s party, published a computer-typeset bulletin (four issues) and a few leaflets. As we now know, Coleman and Palmer severed relations temporarily during the KKK furore of 1999. This ‘NSPA’ threatened violence against school youth who were supporters of National Action. Contact was made with the British National Socialist Movement, the so-called political wing of the Special Branch controlled Combat 18.

Eight: Church Of The Creator. Set up in 1990, it existed in the shadows in the 1990’s and was at first the property of 'Father Leys'. This grouplet was affiliated to an American group of the same name. It espoused a new ‘racial religion’ - for whites on a non Christian basis. Its imported papers in earlier times were generally ‘racist’ tirades about "mud races", "subhuman niggers" and so forth. Patrick O’Sullivan (see below) has claimed to speak on its behalf and initiated it briefly as a national structure after 2001. A couple of young people in Rockhampton became members and generated some publicity in 2001. Eventually they and other recruits expelled O'Sullivan (2009). The group adapated to circumstances and made itself more relevant to a White Australia position.

Nine: KKK. Since 1999, some neo-nazi activity has been based around the Klan label. Two or three KKK ‘groups’ may exist with Coleman and Palmer the ostensible leading lights. Attempts by Sydney Morning Herald journalist, Greg Roberts, to allege that Klan activity is widespread in rural Australia, were lies, and no connection between these supposed Klan groups and the nutzis can be demonstrated.

Ten: White Power. This was the name of an Adelaide drug gang which operated in 1995-6. The group targeted Australian National Action generally, and its Chairman Michael Brander in particular, for harassment. The group dealt in weapons and the Adelaide media was happy enough to confuse its members with ANA activists whenever possible (especially after an arrest on drugs or weapons charges). The group died out but efforts were made to revamp it. The group’s leader believed that ANA was a ‘threat’ to youth who might otherwise turn on to swastikas and heroin. ASIO had an interest in its rampage against ANA, obviously hoping it could do the job. It failed!

Eleven: Aryan Knights. This group of young Brisbane Skinheads was apparently quite sincere in its beliefs. They tried to attract southside unemployed youth.The group dissolved early in 2000 after trouble with the NSPA and ANSM groups.

Let us now look at some key neo-nazis. The milieu is small, with a core of probable sociopaths, psychotics and neurotics. I do not refer to those neo-nazis whose identities are now fully known to the Nationalists as a result of legal documents filed by Palmer in the Supreme Court of New South Wales as part of his attempt to defraud the British-Israel World Federation (see below). There is also the odd-one who may eventually repudiate neo-nazism and mention here would serve no purpose. One or two have indeed done so and given me information. I refer here to those who have in certain ways, sustained the networks.

One: Graeme Royce. Thankfully now deceased, Royce is mentioned here because of his straddling of the old and new movements. Convicted of innumerable frauds in the 1960’s and imprisoned, this early Nazi activist surfaced with NSDAP while also running Christian Identity groups in Perth in the early 1990’s. He brought old NSPA nutzis into the Palmer camp.

Two: Paul Unger. This neo-nazi allegedly tried to involve a Taree Nationalist in marijuana cultivation in 1994. The ‘victim’ recognised a game was being played at and – of course – declined any involvement in criminal activity. An associate of Royce, he provided certain skills to the Sydney clique. He resurfaced in the British-Israel affair and supplied (sic) the contact with a Liberal Party member who was a solicitor to represent Palmer in his attempt to defraud British-Israel.

Three: Robert Leys. Leys was a Church Of The Creator ‘reverend’ from 1990 and a member of the NSDAP. Mysteriously discharged on armed robbery charges in 1991, he kept up NSDAP membership and was filmed in 1999 as a KKK supporter of Palmer. In 1999, Leys made death threats to me and was also recorded. He had just been released from a Tamworth psychiatric institution and objected to public exposure as mentally unstable. Leys suffers from Bipolar Disorder. He was re-committed. Leys, now in his early sixties, will only be heard of again - if he gets out of his hospitalised situation..

Four: Venita and Roy. These two were long-term NSDAP followers domiciled in Kingsgrove. In 1990-91, Venita telephoned the ANA office some 4,000 times on harassment calls. She paid for the calls. Roy provided facilities for NSDAP meetings. Both suffer from psychological disturbance and require medication. For this reason, full names are not provided.

Five: Patrick O’Sullivan. A Melbourne ex-Skinhead who was featured on national television in 1999 as a leader in the Church Of The Creator, he was an activist in various neo-nazi efforts. He had a passing connection to National Action, but was removed. He then associated with a convicted drug criminal (Gregory Middap) who publicly said in 1996 that he represented National Action in Victoria. O’Sullivan has sold militaria for Peter Coleman. Through this person, breeder-pools continue to exist for the creation of new neo-nazis. He was interviewed by media in connection with the neo-nazi provocation aimed at One Nation (see below). He has also recently claimed to represent the Church Of The Creator in Australia on a new web-site (2008). The group eventually moved against him (2009). Patrick still says he represents the Church, but it is clear he does not.

The poisonous nature of much of the rank and file must also be noted in the context of disturbed section leaders and provocateur bosses. It is obvious that such persons lend themselves to activities aimed at destabilising Nationalist and other patriotic organizations. In some groups it is a matter of personality problems or disorders. In other groups, it might be the alcohol driven violence activities. It was against all these trends that the SCHS, Blood and Honour and Creativity groups rebelled and set themselves apart from the milieu. As noted, these groups included many people from stable working class families, people with no substantive interest in marginal people.

The reader should know that Australian neo-nazism is weaker now than at any point in the 1990s. It is possible that, as a 'phenomenon’, it is on the way out. Individual neo-nazis still exist and can be expected to persist for a long time. The positive developments in some groups that were formerly part of this overall scene has been observed and as they evolve they should exert a stronger influence on those who may be unsure of their direction.

9. Night Of The Under-man? Details Of The Campaign Against Nationalist And Patriotic People.

Not all Skinheads were, or are, bad people. The negative perception is largely media lies. Most were working class people with jobs and families. Only coteries of fringe youth matched the negative assessment and that generally in the period 1990-1995.

Neither are all neo-nazis cretins beyond redemption. Quite the contrary. Many young people move out of the milieu. Nonetheless, it is clear that the neo-nazi leaders are generally defective individuals (in one way or another) or informer-provocateurs. The information we offer here sets out the basics about a ten-year campaign of the neo-nazis directed against the Nationalist and patriotic movement. The details are sickening and are recorded to ensure Australians act against these vermin now and in the future. The details sustain the argument that neo-nazism is a type of degenerative political illness. Its followers often begin to feel instinctively that they will never succeed in realising their dreams. They turn on those who show any potential just to frustrate their efforts. They fight to ensure their interests (be it militaria sales, media provocation or drinking clubs) are maintained against even a neo-nazi leader (like van Tongeren) who did try to ‘use’ them. They are truly the under-man of Nietzsche’s philosophy, the dross, the lumpenproletariat. The combination of perverse ideology, depressed personality and marginal social status is an explosive mixture for trouble.

1. The Campaign Against Australian National Action.

The ANA was the first target of the neo-nazis. This struggle began before the ANM was smashed by the State. It was at first, a campaign of defamation operated by the Sydney section. Although some of the falsehoods were repeated by the Perth leadership, it did not control the lie factory or sanction its widespread distribution of misinformation The Sydney ANM clique operated its campaign with the intention of vilifying the leadership of ANA to all rightist groups and potential recruits. It was nonetheless careful, employing covert whispering campaigns in certain areas, lest the originators of the lies be identified. We say that it was during this time the potential value of this clique was recognised by the political police. In 1989, the campaign of defamation was intensified and coupled with spying (and informing to Special Branch). Lies were directed at different groups specifically tailored to them and different persons and groups were approached for information on Nationalist activities.

Without detailing too much of the campaign of smear (thereby in fact broadcasting the fabrications of the neo-nazis), the intense effort involved tales about: the improper funding of ANA by a person actually opposed to Nationalism; the theft of ANA funds by a couple of persons; the idea that the resistance shown by ANA to Special Branch suppression operations was in fact only a carry-on from ANA’s intitial provocation of the police which had encouraged their investigations in the first instance; the ‘fact’ that ANA was a communist organization led by a communist; the expulsion of a few people from ANA was only affected because these persons (who just happened to include the neo-nazis) had discovered the truth about it. We could go on and on.

As the campaign mounted, out came the threats of violence. Skinheads were encouraged to harass the party. They were told that the time was ‘now’ to be Nazi and to ignore Nationalist ideology and politics. The Sydney neo-nazis carried the campaign to Melbourne Skinheads who denounced ANA and organized against it. Palmer regularly informed ANA members that "crazed National Socialist Skins" were ready and planning to attack party offices.

The campaign continued throughout the 1990’s. In one case, Coleman directed a letter to a certain prisoner asking him to use his influence with a witness, to persaude this witness not to testify for an ANA member. This letter, in my possession, is direct evidence of criminal conduct. The case – involved Neville Ireland! Eventually, ANA Chairman Michael Brander became a target and new defamatory mud was cooked up. It merits no repeating.

Sometimes the falsehoods sprouted were so fantastic as to incite disbelief, but they were used anyway, advanced possibly upon the old notion that if suspicion of the victim is the only result, then this is good enough. In that way, I found I was married in no less a place than on the private aircraft of a notorious gangster – and so forth! The ANA was run by mystical freemasons – was another ripper yarn. The NSDAP gang travelled about looking for ANA posters, next to which they would paste swastika-bedecked posters. On one occasion, Palmer told the press he had been a member of ANA but had left due to our ‘soft’ politics.

There can be no doubt that some of these efforts were effective. They wasted time and effort.

It is also certain that some information on ANA was acquired. It appeared in the hands of the political police. The campaign against ANA was a major neo-nazi effort. It is still continuing.


2. The Campaign Against Van Tongeren.

The arrest of van Tongeren and other members of ANM in August 1989 brought to an end the only experiment in neo-nazism which caused the State some concern (as noted above). The State’s aim became the running of a ‘terrorism trial’. It would paint the ANM as a paramilitary organization committing terrorist acts. It would equate patriotism with neo-nazism. It would argue that resistance to Asianisation was useless because the State was clever in its methods of detection and able to turn even the toughest of neo-nazis to testify on their mates (in this case, Russell Willey who testified against his former comrades).

As always, in the best of State scripts, there were problems. Van Tongeren and others had been brutally bashed by police. Some confessions were extracted under circumstances were they might be held inadmissible. Willey was actually the main offender and not just the State’s indemnified witness. There were pieces of police perjury that related to the supposed existence of a paramilitary training camp (which did in fact not exist on the country property cited by the arresting officers). Willey also perjured in respect of this supposed training camp. The question of whether the ANM campaign was actually terrorist in nature (or just an exercise in the lesser ‘politically motivated violence’) was also an issue. The ANM accused were denied legal aid (!) something which was to be granted only in the advent of guilty pleas. Because the jury did return some verdicts of not guilty to specific charges, legal aid would certainly have been justified. Without legal aid, the accused did not get a proper defence. The State certainly would have won convictions to many charges against the accused, but with an energetic public exposure of the wrongs in the case, much could have been done to get some elementary justice.

It became very clear to ANA in the period of 1989-90 (the ANM trial concluded in October 1990), that despite the formal politics of the ANM, they should be ‘politically defended’. It was understood what the State was really doing and why. But what did the neo-nazis do? Well, one would expect they would rally to van Tongeren. Yet, this is not what happened at all. Was it the Bible that said: "by their fruits shall you know them"? The NSDAP gang did nothing for van Tongeren, but left the ANM men to their fate. There were no protests, no leaflets, no posters, no money. Indeed, Peter Coleman specifically advised National Action not to provide any money to the ANM accused! Not long after this advice was rendered (December 1989), it was obvious to the party committee for whom he was working. If ever sheer inaction proves the neo-nazis’ guilt in the allegation of political police connections – this must be it.

Van Tongeren was sentenced to 18 years without parole. Other shocking sentences were handed out, penalties more severe than those dished out to rapists and murderers. All ANM men have now been released from prison, except van Tongeren. With good-behaviour remissions, he will be released from custody in March 2002. In the interim, this prisoner suffers isolation and is transported only in chains. He may never receive minimum security classification, work-release or day-leave. He must be the classic case of over-sentencing and in that way classifies as a political prisoner.

The neo-nazis who probably informed on him and left him to rot must be moral imbeciles. To feel no ‘guilt’ is that very definition of a sociopath.

3. The Campaign Against Australians Against Further Immigration (AAFI)

In Sydney in 1992-3, the AAFI was starting to make headway. As it grew, it found itself infiltrated by the NSDAP gang. The neo-nazis admitted to an official who they were, but said they were not there to cause trouble merely to "help". They said they would act to strong-arm any bad disrupters and provide people who could assist at polling booths with how-to-vote cards. Foolishly, the AAFI allowed them conditional entry.

At some point in 1994, an official of AAFI was visited by Kay Whitty, a detective from the police’s State Intelligence Group (which included Special Branch). The personable Miss Whitty (later proven corrupt at the Royal Commission) gave AAFI some advice. She told them "to keep out extremists" and "we don’t mind if you participate in elections, but you must protest legally" – and so forth. Who were "the extremists"? Well, it wasn’t the NSDAP gang. It was National Action! Special Branch didn’t want the AAFI to obtain Nationalist input.

The NSDAP gang appeared right at yet another critical moment. In the years 1993-95, certain patriotic movements emerged into the light, building credible structures, winning good electoral scores and making energetic public propaganda. The State was on guard. One party, the Confederate Action Party (CAP) was the victim of internal dissension; many members claim this trouble was organized by the major parties and the political police. The AAFI also attracted great public and media attention. Patronised by Labor M.P. Graeme Campbell and with support from many rightist people, it was a clear threat. It also endured internal feuding with some of the factionalism so peculiar that certain members have suggested the presence of a hidden hand. The CAP didn’t ‘need’ neo-nazi attention, nor did the neo-nazis really understand the special type of patriotic populist politics being developed there. Rather, they were more concerned with groups which forthrightly – or centrally – campaigned on the immigration question. The CAP organized in the rural areas and AAFI in the city. In combination, the Establishment could see a danger of some sort of new party breaking into major-minor status.

Information for political police on AAFI members and petty irritations were the fruits of this campaign. But AAFI was too large And diffuse for the gang to really get to work. It couldn’t get focused on one or two people. That was good!

4. The Campaign Against The One Nation Party (ONP).

In May-June 1999, Peter Coleman was interviewed by Greg Roberts of the Sydney Morning Herald. The story was ‘page one’. Roberts was a hater of One Nation, a verbal twister. Coleman explained that he was the Grand Titan of the Ku Klux Klan, affiliated to the Imperial Klans Of America, a Kentucky based group. He went on about Jews under every rock. Aborigines needed to be put back in line. He dressed up for the camera. If that was not bad enough, he explained how he was a member of the One Nation Party and implied that where Pauline Hanson left off, he’d begin.

The affair was very embarrassing for Hanson’s ONP. The idea was to project Hanson as a ‘soft’ version of Coleman, with the latter working to toughen her up. And the nonsense blew out further.

Palmer was quick to join in as the Australian Knights of the KKK. He had previously attended One Nation Party meetings, only to give himself the excuse to condemn it as too soft!! Palmer had given his KKK story to a New Zealand television network and after Channel Nine refused to pay him for his story, they used the Kiwi footage. The Wizard told us all how "heavily armed" his Kluxers were. Yes, yes. ‘Reverend’ Leys, like Palmer, was interviewed by Greg Roberts. The talk was of three ONP members of parliament being supporters, of infiltration of ONP branches and so forth. Then there were stories about Aborigines in North Queensland being harassed by the KKK. Palmer claimed he had a "klavern" in Cairns and Coleman inferred some anti-Aboriginal violence was justified.

The ONP did not know how to respond to this craziness. They issued press statements about ‘racism’ and ‘extremism’. That was never the issue. They failed to use parliamentary privilege to expose the lies and essential nature of the provocateurs.

In July 1999, I received a phone call from Peter Coleman, angered by my continuing expose of his provocations. This was also recorded. He said that he did not know how Roberts would manipulate the story and denied he had damaged One Nation. He said he was not CC18 but called his ANM comrades of 1989 – "losers". Indeed. "Do you just go up the street and choose someone and hate them?", he asked of my effort to expose the truth to at least some journalists.. "No, but I wouldn’t think a neo-nazi would care about hate", I replied.

It must be the case that the neo-nazis know and understand the media enjoys their company. What is it they think they are achieving? Do they care? So why do they do it? I think I can provide a sort of answer. In 1985, Peter Coleman spoke with three members of National Action. He told them that he wanted to make our party into a "National Socialist Party". He would act like a "Nazi" and be one. He would "bring down the media" that all right-wing thought was "really Nazi". "In the end you’ll have no choice but to be Nazis". They declined his offer. Is it that the neo-nazis will cooperate with the media to create the lunacy they will then proclaim as the way to think and act? I cannot say. But from experience of these people, it is indeed possible. If the political police and their media propagandists needed a more reliable set of dupes, they wouldn’t find them!

The KKK provocation was just one of the ONP’s problems and hardly decisive. That the neo-nazis targeted this party suggests they'll stop at nothing.

5. The Campaign Against The British-Israel World Federation (BIWF).

The BIWF is a Christian-cultural heritage society with a seventy-year history in Australia. It has never engaged in violence or political struggle, although some of its members may have supported the League Of Rights and other patriotic organizations.

In 1999, the Sydney section found itself targeted by Palmer. At the time of writing, he claims to be a Vice President of the Federation. He attached himself to some persons involved in a ‘factional dispute’ with others over the terms of a Will which settled funds on the BIWF. This faction foolishly accepted his counsel and by all fair accounts, Palmer believes he can ‘acquire’ the money. He expects to use the funds for neo-nazi or other undeclared purposes. Assuredly, he would have no intention of using any monies over which he had dominion for BIWF purposes. Palmer has next-to-no understanding of British-Israel doctrine and is committed only to his version of neo-nazism. Indeed, he sees British-Israel ideas as a type of Nazi racial mysticism. The connection is tenuous indeed.

The game played with the BIWF had the usual neo-nazi qualities. It seems the Federation was infiltrated by a few ‘plants’ long in advance of Palmer obtaining membership. Threats of violence have been made against the proper officials. Falsehoods have been liberally uttered against some members. In the final analysis, differences amongst Federation members could possibly have been solved and the Will decided. A court action may now be necessary at some expense. Palmer will of course – get nothing. However, old BIWF friendships will have dissolved and enmities have been made. There may be one benefit from the imbroglio. Should it be that Palmer is forced to give evidence before the Equity Court, the exposure of neo-nazism will be complete! ‘Der Fuhrer’, under oath trying to explain himself would be high-farce indeed!

Palmer has said a lot to BIWF members about other patriotic people and organizations. He has said a lot about himself. Because the nonsense spewed forth is done in the dark, it was indeed pleasing to note how genuine supporters of the BIWF fought back, exposing and fighting the neo-nazi infiltration at every turn. At the risk of having outsiders think they were tainted somehow with the dross, they stood up.

Every neo-nazi campaign referred to here served the State. None advanced the overall cause of building a neo-nazi movement to the benefit of the Australian People (even if we allow for the purpose of argument that neo-nazism could serve in any such capacity). Each campaign caused trouble for genuine Nationalists and patriots.

10. Base Metal Into Gold. Excrement Into House Bricks.

The neo-nazis are fraudsters. Their trick is to turn their distortion of German Nazi ideology into a system and a symbol for the ‘rebirth’ of European Mankind and the Australian People. Occasionally too, there are those who pan the base metal into their dish of hope and imagine they’ve made a ‘strike’. Or as another Nationalist put it: the house of neo-nazism stinks because its building materials are putrescent untruths.

We are saying two distinct things about Australian (indeed international) neo-nazism. First, the ideas are wrong; second, regardless of whether some ‘innocent’ good blokes might be persuaded to act as neo-nazis in good faith per their ideas and motives, the leadership of the movement is often corrupt in every conceivable way. This means that no ‘progress’ could ever really be achieved.

It should be obvious to all that no political good has come out of Australian neo-nazism. Even if we allow the ANM’s violence campaign in Perth points for disrupting Asian trade and investment, the ANM also contributed in defeat to the stigmatization of the whole Nationalist-patriotic movement. The ANM’s campaign is an ever-available stick to beat patriotic Australians. Has anything else positive come out of the neo-nazi movement? Possibly it has caused the political police to spend a few tens of thousands to monitor uncontrollable youth elements. Possibly it has caused certain anti-Australian groups to fear the shadow beasts of their own media’s creation. But by and large we must conclude that the movement has few credits against it.

How does it stand in relation to the forces on the Australian ‘Right’? Obviously, it is shunned by all. It has no opportunity for alliances, nothing. The media can suggest otherwise but no ‘Right’ group wishes to enter into the Kangaroo Reich. Some consider the neo-nazis "extremists" and so forth. This pamphlet is an attempt to set the record straight in defining their ideas and actions properly. The are not ‘extremists’, just frauds (conscious or unknowing) and provocateurs. So: for whom do the neo-nazis cause the most discomfort? Demonstrably, they cause harm for the Nationalist and patriotic organizations. It seems they want to keep doing it.

For too long the ‘Right’ of politics has not worked out a strategy to deal with these elements. The exposure of the neo-nazi leadership and main activists in crucial. However, it is not enough. It is necessary to get to the younger recruits who believe in the ‘strike’, in the idea that a political house can be built on the ideology. Not only must they understand what the ‘leadership’ of nutzism is about, but why it is a faulted ideology. Because we have nothing to gain in even the slightest degree of compromise in this matter, we must become more aggressive in pushing our truth against this falsehood.

I am persuaded by my direct conversations with the neo-nazis, and by the evidence of other Nationalists who have confronted the neo-nazis, that they are well aware of the logic of Nationalist and other patriotic arguments with young people. The neo-nazis know that the youth who might be open to their falsities can see the truth and this is one reason for the campaign of lies directed at us. We must ensure the truth is available.

In some countries, the neo-nazi sub-culture sustains the political manifestations of it. It has managed to make some ‘gold’ and some ‘house bricks’. Although marginalised, it survives. Our task must be to kill off the germ plasma. By creating our own sub-cultures, by building viable structures, by promoting our ideas, we kill off the falsity. In the final analysis, it is that simple. Since 2000, when this pamphlet appeared, we have progressively done that.

11. Conclusion.

Will it ever end? Not really. The culture we live in produces new neo-nazis by spontaneous generation! We live in a ‘culture’ which condemns any manifestation of cultural identity for Australians or ‘white people’, as defacto Nazism. This political culture relies on an extensive anti-racist propaganda, upon liberal perspectives on sexuality, gender and internationalism. In a society alienated from its roots, a few people spontaneously imagine that the media-opposite to this corruption must be the shining light of Nazism. After all, German Nazism seems an obsession on television, in the movies, in the hunt for war-criminals and so forth. They reason: it must have worth. Why would traitors condemn it otherwise?

Neo-nazis are therefore generated by the processes which sustain the domination of liberal society; but they are also spawned the liberal society in decay. There exists in the images of German Nazi power a medicine for the sick; neo-nazis can ‘cure themselves’ by acting as agents of a past historical force struggling to rebirth itself. Those who are unable to cope in liberal capitalist society on the purely personal functional level, rebel against it. However, they are not the vanguard of change, merely those who could not cope in any society, or people driven mad by the applied policies of liberalism. Liberalism is maddening for many. It pronounces the normal to be reactionary and the lunatic to be forward social thinking. Unable to reason it through, and invent a counter-strategy, some become neo-nazis. In a reborn Nazi violence, they fantasize a personal future where they might exercise power.

Add the fact that neo-nazis are continually made in modern Australia with the existence of breeder-pools of neo-nazis, and the phenomenon will continue to exist. The Kangaroo Reich will remain a myth for activists to translate their fantasies into actions.

Australian Nationalists and other patriots will struggle to resist all neo-nazi provocations. They will heighten their understanding of neo-nazism and repudiate it in public in struggle, while all the time building new movements to defend Australian Identity and Independence. They will fight to bury the Kangaroo Reich - finally and irrevocably.

Special Appendix: A Warm Response To Kangaroo Reich; New Evidence Exposes Neo-Nazi/Political Police Connections

Kangaroo Reich was received well by patriotic people in Australia, and by national-revolutionary people internationally. This is important as new evidence damning of the Australian neo-nazis has come to light.

First, Kangaroo Reich was taken up by people involved with the British-Israel World Federation (Australia) and a printed version was circulated amongst members of that fraternity in the struggle against the neo-nazi infiltration described above. This struggle is still going on, is before the courts, and is likely to be decisive in putting provocation on the defensive.

Second, the printed version was placed into the hands of dozens of prominent people at Australia's famed 'Inverell Forum' in March this year. There, the author delivered an address to hundreds of people, on the Australian neo-nazi phenomenon over a thirty-year period. This speech was warmly received by patriotic people long-curious as to what these media figures symbolised.

Third, the provocateur neo-nazi clique have reacted with rage to Kangaroo Reich- and rightly so! Various threats were received and, as now seems the case, the author was to have been assaulted by a scum-squad on July 31 2001. Unfortunately for the goons, they were waiting in vain at a location where the author was never scheduled to be! The Sydney neo-nazis were acting upon 'bad intelligence' indeed.

Fourth, the international interest stimulated by the pamphlet was very positive. The pamphlet was advertised on the Links page of Spartacus Press and was advertised on the e-mail bulletins of 'Euro-Knowledge' and 'Red-Brown Weblog'. Mail was received from Nationalists in several countries, angered by the same type of provocation. I thank all regardless of who they are or what particular 'line' of Nationalist politics they may follow. On the issue of the neo-nazis, we are united!

The truth has travelled far and the success of Kangaroo Reich has come at an important moment when the struggle against neo-nazi provocation in Australia can take an even more significant direction. I can advise my readers that I am now in receipt of certain new documents from my New South Wales police Special Branch file. I have also obtained documents from other files of other persons. My particular file is the subject of action in the Administrative Decisions Tribunal where I am seeking the widest possible release of documents. The disbandment of the Special Branch amidst allegations of corruption permitted this extraordinary development. Possibly even more documents damning of the neo-nazis, will be released. I have now sighted documents (as released to me in July 2001) which point ever-more-conclusively to the role played by the Sydney neo-nazi clique in working for Special Branch.

One document was absolutely clear in what it said. Described as an incident report, it was entitled ANA Document (D3/84) Referring To Saleam (D56/74) Trial Forwarded To Special Branch. The report was dated March 6 1992. I record an extract here:

"Attached is a document issued by the ANA and containing references to the trial of James Saleam (D56/74). The document was posted to this Branch and addressed to Detective Inspector Neville Ireland. It was forwarded by Peter Coleman (D17/85), former ANA member now member of the ANM (D23/89). The document was produced as an internal memo for ANA members."

This document was a Nationalist circular which exposed irregularities in a criminal process run against the author. I was fighting to raise funds and rally support to conduct an Appeal - from prison. What is certain is that Mr. Coleman set out to assist Special Branch by forwarding the document; he addressed it to the head-honcho of the case run against me; he knew to do so; he told none of his neo-nazi associates (let alone his 'leader', Mr. van Tongeren). This text exposes again the role of the neo-nazis and the certainty of Mr. Coleman's 'identity' as CC18.

But it got better still. There were three pieces of paper released to me, composed in the German language, copies of collectors' pieces. In 1987-8, I passed copies of these documents to Mr. Coleman during that time when ANA occasionally conferred with the small ANM cell in Sydney in order to avoid unnecessary frictions. Obviously, these documents could only have appeared in my file if Special Branch had been alerted as to what they were and why they related to me. Reasonably, they could only have come from Mr. Coleman.

In 1999, I had correspondence with the imprisoned Mr. van Tongeren. He consented to allow me to act as an 'agent' in respect of an application for his Special Branch file. I was very happy to act in this way. A letter dated June 28 1989 was released (amidst a slim folio of items) and signed by two detectives - Charles Poniris and Andrew Georghiou. The letter showed an intense interest in the arrest of van Tongeren (in Perth!), a matter not necessarily of interest to police in a state 3000 kilometres away. This arrest predated the arrest of two other ANM members, one of whom then 'rolled-over' and provided further information (leading to the arrest of van Tongeren and others on serious offences). The June letter however confirmed for me the interest of the Sydney police in the ANM 'terrorism' affair. Why did they have this interest? Was it because of CC18 who had already provided information at a time when (as above) ANM's illegal campaign was actually underway?

The reader will receive a further update on this whole affair in due course. The prediction that the Kangaroo Reich will be put to rest - shall be realised!

Inside The Kangaroo Reich