Political trials usually have a habit at biting their organizers on the metaphoric arse. So it is unfolding with the political trial run against me over twenty years ago.
It is a matter of record that I was convicted
in May 1991 of organizing on January 27 1989, a shotgun attack upon the home of
Eddie Funde, then Representative to
I have always denied any involvement in the affair and have authored an Internet book-legal-submission on the subject – Pardon Me: The Anatomy Of An Australian Political Trial at: www.alphalink.com.au/~radnat/pardonme/index.html
For years now, I have noted the scoffing of the professional ‘antifa’ (anti-fascists) at my assertion that the case against me was a political police conspiracy. These antifa, who often assert the existence of state conspiracies and political police dirty tricks ops when they are playing at being anti-system lefties, seem quite happy with the idea that the same thing just didn’t operate against me. They use my conviction as proof of my utter perfidy. The mind boggles why they question nothing. Is it too hard? Or doesn’t my story ‘fit’ with the line they want to run?
Other players can get dirty too. Certain persons who have called themselves ‘patriots’ - and even ‘nationalists’ – have also run with the state script. In loading me with a garbage crime, they seek to slither away as ‘clean-skins’, ready to enter the political mainstream as normals who eschew any notion of violence, and as they put it, leaving me and those like me - in our squalid gutter. Such charm and such moral courage do they show.
A couple of years ago, I was interviewed by a
journalist from the Sydney Morning Herald.
When I told the bloke that the political policeman who ran the Funde case against me (orchestrated
it?), fell at the ‘New South Wales Royal Commission Into The Police
Service’ way back in 1997, it was clear that he knew. Certainly, he hated the
idea that an anti racist hero could fall. Yet, he plain baulked when I told him
that this officer, Superintendent Neville
Now it gets better, a lot better.
The Ignominious Fall Of Eddie Funde
I was in the dock at
After the New World Order forces overturned
the ‘white minority government’ in
See the Mail And Guardian’s article:
Eddie Funde was, as
I shall describe here in greater detail shortly, the darling of Australian
liberal and leftist ‘anti-racists’ in the 1980’s and a lynchpin figure in the
entire ‘anti racist movement’. When his house was shotgunned,
he stepped up as a martyr of racist (sic) and fascist (sic) violence, the
valiant fighter for a colour-blind
We have come full circle. It can only leave the proverbial bad taste in the collective mouth of the anti racists, that it will ultimately become Funde’s turn to stand the dock, a sad representative of a regime mired in corruption and scandal (and I should add parenthetically, anti-white hatred).
I cannot say that I do not enjoy the schadenfreud. Essentially, the fall of Funde is indicative of the collapse of a myth. In the 1980’s, the ANC could do no wrong according to liberals and leftists. Its sullied status now – just makes my trial smell that little more odorous. The fall of Funde cannot reverse the verdict against me; but rather, it just takes the pseudo-moral blather out of the case.
That is important. As I write, I observe that the very history of the Funde shooting is being rewritten by the Slackbastard anarchist group via Wikipedia and other outlets and thanks to other anti racists with their toilet-wall Internet smearings and assorted public gossip-mongering. It is even said that I tried to assassinate the man! Assassinate? The prosecution case made no such claim. Yet, as time moves on and myths can be rewoven around the case – why not? And who would know?
It is the fall of Funde as a moral symbol (sic) that just brings the entire affair back to hard earth. To put it in the vernacular: Eddie Funde is revealed as a miserable grub, a parasite on his own people and party and a man unworthy of any attempt at statue-building. Bad luck for all the so-called anti racists / anti fascists and other state connected propagandists! Good luck for me and other comrades from those days of frame-up!
Witness Protection For State Perjurer
It should not be thought by the reader that I was convicted at my trial by any real evidence. Let’s be quite clear about that. There was certainly no confession. There was no scientific evidence. There was no civilian witness who could point the finger. All that the prosecution had was the evidence of two men who claimed to be my accomplices. They seriously contradicted themselves and they contradicted each other about key elements of the story line. The prosecution also had the stitch-the-case-together-evidence of the discredited Neville Ireland.I need not delay the reader by explaining why the guilty verdict issued forth; you can read all about that elsewhere.
Let’s go right to the current point: one of the main (‘accomplice’) witnesses was Jason Roderick Frost, now 44 yrs and by our report, not doing too well. Unlike his co-offender, Frost never wavered in the allegation that I had been involved in the crime even if he couldn’t get his story truly straight. For my part, I have often pondered over what his deal with Special Branch was and how it worked. What benefits did he receive for his evidence? I have exposed some of that in terms of the lenient sentencing on other offences and so forth, the sort of usual stuff, but the truth has the bizarre twist I would expect in any Australian political trial.
We have just learnt that Frost resides in
It is also reasonably clear from the disclosed
circumstances that Frost is not finished
with the world of police-work (if I can use such a phrase). It may be that
he does some clandestine job for
I have no doubt that the Australian state’s
security, police and prosecutions’ agencies would
say that Frost was removed to New Zealand to be protected ‘against’ me, against
the possibility that I might do him harm. I could say in reply that Frost
had to be protected ‘from’ me. His co-offender had already said things to me
that contradicted the state version of the Funde
crime. That’s a fact. The state could not afford that Frost ever blab things
which might contradict the trial script. If I ever communicated with Frost,
what might he say? As he said in trial evidence about his story: “bits and
pieces come back to me” and “it was drummed into me at court” when being
sentenced and so on. The telltale signs of scripting were clear then and the
state could take no chances. Indeed, when Frost disappeared from view in
Of course, being on Witness Protection does not prove that Frost was generally untruthful at my trial, anymore than Funde’s corruption can establish he was not a crime victim in the past. I must say too that Ireland’s proven corruption and bad character, while it undermines a part of the prosecution case, does not demonstrate that the evidence of my supposed accomplices was necessarily - perjury. It just suggests he could have scripted them and done other things to make the charges stick.
However, in the matter before us, we must read
Frost’s history in reverse, right back to the point in March or April 1989 (and
how we know that time-frame is a story for another time) when
In May-June 1989, Ireland proceeded very
carefully, having three one-on-one meetings with Frost at his home discussing,
well – something, several weeks prior to Frost’s formal statement which
incriminated me. They had a couple of more-formal discussions “after court”
where, according to Frost in fact, he was threatened with an “attempted murder”
prosecution and according to
Frost was treated lightly and given 18 months periodic detention for the Funde crime. Two other sentences of three months gaol for other offences, were later converted to bonds on appeal. Years later, Frost was placed in public housing and it seems he was given assistance to obtain employment. Did he receive any money? Time will tell on that one.
The compliant and subservient attitude of Jason Frost to the Special Branch may properly have a basis in the field of psychology. I have read Frost’s psychological reports tendered at the time of his sentencing on the Funde crime. The transferring of allegiances from one group to another has difficulties, but is consistent with the ‘type’ under review. A reward, care and official concern for his well-being, are operative factors. The likely current role of Frost in undercover work would have nascent origins in his suborning by Special Branch as a state witness. The final pattern of rewards shows that reward was present at the start, that the relationship was extraordinary at the start, that Frost would say anything at the start to gain acceptance and ensure his survival.
If Eddie Funde is ultimately labeled in history as a grub, then Jason Frost takes the award for pathos.
The ‘Anti Racist’ Network And The Saleam Prosecution
I have long concluded that my prosecution for the Funde crime was part of a tangled web of activities related to the 1980’s traitor class war from above against the Australian people, a class-war designed to internationalize (then globalize) the Australian economy but with victory achieved in the name of liberal myths such as openness, a Third-World-uplifting free trade system and anti racism. Essentially, I believe there was a political economy element in the prosecution and it is just no wonder that I ‘got mugged’ by the political police.
The frame against me was a long time in gestation. At the time of the Eddie Funde crime, I was the Chairman of Australian National Action (ANA), or as it was simply called - National Action. The organisation had, according to Prime Minister Bob Hawke, caused Australia a reputation problem in Asia. It had damaged investment and trade. He denounced it twice: first on Perth radio in October 1988 and again in Federal Parliament in March 1989.
In other words, National Action was doing its
job. It was standing up for Australian independence. However, the
inter-linkages of state anti racism (read: anti Australianism,
read: whatever undermines the Australian identity and independent status,
economically, politically etc) saw it embrace an anti South African policy in
tandem with its commitment to economic and demographic Asianization. It was a
two front war. The anti
Unbeknownst to National
Action, in 1988 Hawke privately asked Funde whether
In November 1988, it was announced too that the Human Rights Commission would host a ‘National Inquiry Into Racist Violence’ after the lobbying efforts of innumerable anti racists, many of whom claimed to be “victims” of National Action violence (sic). The Inquiry was an example of anti racist McCarthyism and ran throughout 1989 whilst the Funde prosecution was incubated. It created the requisite pseudo moral atmosphere for repressive action. I have no doubt the things were linked and I have found one or two such links.
Consider John Brink, an
anti apartheid activist whose house was firebombed in
Then, there was another
émigré, Colin Tatz, who had claimed to be a victim of
anti-Semitism in 1940’s
Essentially, it was a case of blame it on the Kellys. National Action was accused by various anti racists and anti fascists of the Brink and Tatz offences – among others. Eventually in 1989, it became payback time, with powerful forces pushing for a successful prosecution of those involved in the Funde crime. The idea that this crime could have been the work of an odd fellow like Jason Frost, just a bloke out on a lark, would never do. The Funde shooting had to be a dark racist plot and dark racists had to be found.
Of course, National Action
did know that Funde had arrived in
I rely here (and as I have above) upon the
informative article by an anti-nationalist, Peter Limb: The anti-apartheid movements in
By 1981, Jim Gale, Irene
Gale and others succeeded in transforming Campaign Against
Racial Exploitation (CARE) into a pro-ANC body and the national office shifted
Funde worked on a wide front and
was successful in building broad networks of support. In his first week in
Again, we can see the high-powered individuals rallying around Funde. I say again: anyone who struck at Funde was striking at the Australian state.
Eventually, later in the
1980’s, the Australian ANC Support Committee (ANCSC) based in
McCue, who began as a United Nations worker oversaw the foundation of Australian People for Health, Education and Development Abroad (now Union Aid Abroad APHEDA) by the Australian Council of Trade Unions in 1984 and was able to channel funds from unions and the Australian government to agriculture, health, and vocational training projects in many countries in Africa. In other words, the support for ANC terrorism and anti white racism was channeled via non government structures (but with covert support)
APHEDA meetings were held with Eddie Funde about how
to get assistance for anti South African elements, in particular those refugees
In 1988, after the discussions with Eddie Funde McCue made her first trip to
I note that in September 1989, Tambo visited Australia and conferred in detail with Foreign Minister Gareth Evans. Was the Funde prosecution discussed between Evans and Tambo? Undoubtedly, it rated a line or two. The Australian state would prove its credentials by prosecuting a ‘racist leader’ (sic) for anti ANC violence. Yes, of course it was discussed. I was charged with the Funde crime two weeks later
In March 1990
prior to going to South Africa, McCue suggested to Nkobi that the Australian Government, and in
particular Foreign Minister Gareth Evans, would be keen to make a significant
gesture of support to the just-released-from-prison Nelson Mandela at the
forthcoming Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting. McCue recommended the ANC
ask for $20m of development assistance to support the so-called transition to democracy. Eddie
Funde, Mohammad Tickly, Nkobi
and McCue sat down in
That took place in October 1990. I was due to
face trial then, but the prosecution sought an adjournment lest I fail to get a
fair trial, given Mandela’s presence in
The Funde case was part of the rich tapestry of anti racist effort at the time, one organized aspect of it, something which highlighted their strategy. By 1989, there was a plethora of groups, all interwoven and at their peaks, integrated into state action. The nationalist magazine, Audacity, identified a number of anti racist organisations in the years around 1984-5, all of which were linked through to politicians and state players and broad community networks. National Action was alone in discussing anti racism as a community movement which required an activist response.
It has been said by one academic critic that
the National Action made a major mistake in targeting the anti-apartheid
movement; he said it was tangential to the basic nationalist message of the
group and the ensuing struggle sidelined it. I disagree with that assessment.
In point of fact, much of
Another academic said that National Action had
a “considerable intelligence facility”. That was true. It collected
considerable material on anti racists and similar dross and certainly
identified many involved in the anti
The material advanced here tends to show that the Funde crime existed in a significant context. This too suggests that the verdicts against me will not be surrendered without legal bloodshed.
Political trials must preserve their
rectitude. They are showy things, where not only are convictions produced to
imprison alleged villains, but great moral lessons supposedly demonstrated in
action. In my case, the state wanted to show its cleverness and moral position
to the public; it had solved a “terrorist” offence organized by a group of
thugs who had terrorized
My task is to push the edifice right over. In
troika in my case,
I am resolved to move the affair on and break the convictions, not simply in my personal interest, but in the interest of the nationalist movement. For those who still insist I am the guilty one, I look forward at their ranting responses to this article.