Nationalism And World-View
Nationalism has been historically determined as a constituent element of fascism. (1) Naturally, all nationalists are not fascists; however, in the post-war situation, not all fascists are nationalists, or at least not in the way usually understood. It is this fundamental division which separated the most prominent neo-fascist parties, the Union Movement and the National Front in this period 1967-75. It appears a matter of ideological perspective and political tactics.
The National Front, more so than the earlier BNP, has styled itself a nationalist party. Nationalist slogans and images have always permeated the movement. For example, rallies use Union Jack banners in hundreds to deliver a strong psychological effect; their first newspaper was Britain First; their book company was founded as ‘Nationalist Books’. If, as argued, the National Front has a neo-fascist leadership, they have proved their adeptness at moving behind the nationalist images; it serves also as a means to negate the political pasts of some of the Front’s members. Nationalism assists also in equating the Front with traditional virtues and values. Any 'foreign' imports in ideology can be mixed into the nationalist mythology.
Looking back on his evolution towards ‘nationalist’ ideology, Tyndall maintained:
has been the graveyard of every nationalist movement, both in
statement it could be argued that the term ‘nationalist’ substitutes for the
term 'neo-fascist'. Tyndall’s analysis rings true for the continent at least;
it amounts also to an attack on Mosley, so as to separate the NF from Mosley’s
past, and then-present 'discredited' situation. The barrage against Mosley’s ‘
The NF’s war on
pan-European ideology led it against the shadowy League of St. George, an
organisation of neo-fascist complexion which had participated, (and still
does), in the annual European Nationalists’ Congress at Dixmuide, in
Perhaps one of the most coherent statements of the NF’s position is Six Principles of British Nationalism, authored by Tyndall in 1967. It probably represents the evolution of his thinking from the earlier days with the BNP, for it contrasts with an early work, The Authoritarian State, composed in 1961. It is interesting to note that in both pamphlets ‘Nationalism’ was seen as an all-round proposition, having specific attitudes towards racial matters, social policy, government, and history; again ‘Nationalism’ could appear the necessary substitute term for ‘fascism’. In his Six Principles, Tyndall revised his blatant authoritarianism of 1961. He wrote;
“If we are not to have a dictatorship, what we need...is a governing party that can gain ascendancy in British politics of sufficient dimensions...for a sufficient period of time to attend the vital tasks...(and)...become part of British life.” (5)
translates as the NF’s desire to introduce a strong state system through the
utilisation of familiar institutions. The ‘nationalist party’ is conceived as a
mass movement which can integrate itself with the state structure as in the
cases of Hitler’s NSDAP and the Communist Party of the
parties have given reasons for the decline of the
Curiously, the NF
has extended its ‘nationalism’ to the Old Dominions. The formation of the NF
(1966-7) saw a considerable rethinking of ideological perspectives. The BNP’s
The stated NF policy to reforge the Commonwealth,"...into a genuine instrument of national power...", (9) would gain little support, save from reactionaries and nostalgics in these nations. The Commonwealth-idea has served as anti-EEC propaganda (as above), and an alternative for rightists to Mosleyite positions. As a hyper-patriotic construct it may be a better vehicle for a neo-fascism than abstractions like "white-racial unity", (the BNP and the British Movement) or "
significant counter-policy to the NF’s ‘nationalism’ has been that of the Union
Movement. The British Movement seems to stand half-way between both. The UM has
argued that national sovereignty vanished long ago--hence talk about it, is
politically irrelevant. (10) Mosley’s "
In the years 1971-4, the Union Movement did manage to make some interesting observations on the NF’s Commonwealth ideology. Firstly, that the white Dominions have had new ethnic groups introduced into their communities. UM mentioned Italians in
That the NF may
have a wing dedicated to racial nationalism, was perhaps attested to by the
adoption of an old Mosley notion, modified to be sure: the idea of Euro-Africa.
The fundamental basics of the scheme had been stated by the Greater Britain
Movement in 1965. (16) Basically, Tyndall envisaged independent European
nations, if not monolithic ‘Nation-Europa’ engaging in economic imperialism in
One further major point on nationalism needs to be made. As Eugen Weber has argued, nationalism in the Twentieth Century, has assumed a social-collectivist function. (18) "Prior to the emergence of Bean," the NF contends, "nationalism had predominantly a middle class appeal." (19) Colin Jordan has said that a nationalist party alone, can bring the Right into acceptance by the working class. Support given by the NF to workers on strike in foreign owned firms in 1974, was a means to introduce workers to nationalist ideas.
‘A clean Britain First"-line, as sometimes utilised by the Front (and the BM), can be a powerful weapon in the its propaganda arsenal. The emotive potential of such nationalisms have been seen before in European politics. A nationalist party in government, can theoretically (I do not say that any party has any particular scheme) justify collectivist Technocracy, dictatorship, war-organisation, revolutionary terror and social revolution, all in the name of "the national-interest". The NF and the British Movement have said, that nationalism is a justified "liberating force" against a certain "conspiracy" rampart in Britain; a conspiracy which could lead to the destruction not only of Britain, but also Western Civilisation. A set of historical principles and alleged "facts" explain this "conspiracy" as nationalism’s greatest opponent.
Most fascist or
nationalist movements in the Twentieth Century have been tinged by a belief in
a ‘World Conspiracy’ directed by "hidden forces" which control world
affairs. The pre-war fascists, particularly the German Nazis were prone to base
this conspiracy on The Protocols of Zion an alleged blue-print for
Jewish world government; in post-war
In the early
1960's the conspiracy-idea appears to have fallen into two broad strands. In
publications issued by the early-BNP and the National Socialists (particularly
the latter), the "Jewish conspiracy" element came to the fore. Jews
are alleged to have stage managed
particle of the conspiracy ideology was more refined and articulate. In this
case the "conspiracy" involved only some Jews, but also much of the
West’s financial elite, and had as its goal the creation of a myriad of
supra-national organisations which could establish a world-government. The
conspiracy was perceived as possessed of a vast army of "servants"
who carry out the "fashionable" programmes of their masters, without
always being conscious of their manipulation. This second strand of the
conspiracy maintains that
works are illustrative of this peculiar British conspiracy creed. Such
literature seems to have originated with Nesta Webster an authoress of the
1920’s who wrote pieces such as World Revolution and Secret Societies
And Subversive Movements, both texts being quoted or sold occasionally by
the National Front and the British Movement. The "links" between the
Masonic Movement, the Rothschilds, the French Revolution, European social disorders
of the last two centuries and Bolshevism, were there 'established'. (22)
Chesterton was almost certainly familiar with this literature as well as 1950’s
tracts circulated by the American Gerald L.K. Smith and the
It is likely that
conspiracy-history, though a part of most neo-fascist movements, remains
qualitatively different in quality when invoked by traditionalist or
conservative groupings inside such formations. For fascists ‘conspiracy-ideas’
are secondary to a primal motive force in history. For some continental
neo-fascist groupings a Spengler-Evola interpretation of Western history is
sometimes utilised, that is, perspectives similar to Yockey. (
Norman Cohn has argued that conspiracy ideologies find their most vivid expressions in particular societal conditions--in times of changes in the social-structure, or general malaise. (26) Conspiracy ideology operates to give a superficially rational explanation for the collapse of British power and certain social-economic problems. This ideology is possessed of a more malevolent aspect should it be applied against a radical, or social minority. Aside from the attempts of the earl NSM neo-nazis and the later British Movement, the Jews, the 'logical' workers of conspiracy have scarcely been attacked openly by the Right. The NF’s occasional, (and growing more virulent) denunciations of Zionism, diverges from anti-semitism.
of conspiracy-history permits an effort to explain the most confusing historical
facts. For example, the NF (1971-3), came upon the works of Anthony Sutton,
whose writings have covered the export of military technology, and industrial
technique to the
a thesis makes interesting possibilities; for example the old fascist notion of
the 'similarity' of capitalism and communism can be restated;
The BM and the NF have named some of the conspirators involved in the supra-national organisations. The writings of the Americans, Gary Allen, and Carol Quigley are distributed by the parties of the British Right, such as to establish further credentials for the conspiracy idea.
speaking, the theory argues that international financiers have created organs
of the future world state with agencies which manipulate Western governments
and economies. (31) The U.S. ‘Council of Foreign Relations’(CFR) was supposed
to have formed the British Institute of International Relations to
"educate" young intellectuals who could be placed into British
higher-policy organs. (The CFR is thought- somewhat accurately - to direct the
foreign policy of the
conferences were allegedly hosted by Rockefeller/Rothschild officials. Aside
from being dubbed the "invisible government" of the West, the
Bilderbergers were said to be responsible for the "criminal" export
of British capital through the World Bank, to African "socialist
dictatorships" and the
The conspiracy has been reasoned as permeating the affairs of British government--and both parties; therefore the state deceives the people, and is not truly democratic. Governments are said forge immigration statistics, make impossible economic forecasts, and continue to delude the masses. In times of governmental breakdown the neo-fascists could throw out propaganda of credibility.
The media has been viewed as an unofficial propaganda ministry charged with the task of "socialising" the people such that they accept the status quo, and their own "dispossession", to accept all this as the "new morality for a new society". (37) Education is similarly "propaganda", the "political corruption" of the schools and universities the result of creating citizens devoid of national-consciousness. Both the NF and the BM have reasoned that the social-liberal postulates of the Establishment’s "education" have produced youth amenable to Marxist causes, social-democratic consciousness being seen as only quantitatively different from Marxism.
The usage of
conspiracy-ideology by the BM and the National Front has been a constituent
element of their world-views; however the Union Movement scarce duplicates
their fundamental themes. The UM has suggested more an "intellectual
conspiracy" funded by the "Old Gang". In the services of
capitalism, truth has become a "casualty". Youth has therefore been
denied the opportunity to evolve consciousness based on factual ideas.
Alienation from truth has been viewed as the problem in
The heavy volume of material devoted to conspiracy ideology could indicate its importance to the neo-fascist organisations, and that it is a part of the neo-fascist creeds. (Note: it may be that it was more important to the conservative wing of the nationalist movement and to the neo-nazis and its use would become more restrained and remodelled in later periods.) It may be important to realise that conspiracy-theory has been posited in a "matter of fact" way in most of the literature examined for this study, and is not viewed as mere exposure of a monolithic, almost unassailable reality (as posited in the style of Arnold Leese, or some of its American adherents). That certain parts of this whole system may conflict, in the NF’s case with the leadership’s beliefs, could be an admission that world politics is beyond simple formulae, and that the whole issue is orientated in one direction--the achievement of power and mass support. It provides excellent justification for the nationalist creed, which seeks to defend British culture from the void spirit of enforced internationalism.
References to Chapter Five
(1) a common view endorsed by Francois Duprat, editor of the Revue d’Histoire du Fascisme.
(2) quoted in Spearhead No.87 September 1975 p.17
(3) Spearhead No.103 p.2
(4) decision mentioned by Martin Webster in "The League Of St. George: A Front For European Nationalism", Spearhead No.86 August 1975.pp 6-7.
(5) Tyndall, Six Principles. p.4
(6) ibid., p.7
The New Unhappy Lords: an exposure of power politics. (Candour
(11) mentioned by Mosley in a speech in 1963. (as taped by Union Movement).
(12) Mosley, Mosley: Right or Wrong. pp.33-5; Action No.210 1 February 1976. p.3
(16) Spearhead March 1966 p.3
(17) a television
interview with Front leaders., date unknown, but from 1974. On "
(18) Weber, Eugen. Varieties of Fascism, (Anvil) 1971. pp.21-5
(19) Spearhead No.103 p.6
throughout by Chesterton in New Unhappy Lords.; Candour
(22) Webster, Nesta.
Secret Societies and Subversive Movements. (Britons Publishing Company),
(23) ibid., pp.357-70; Chesterton op.cit., pp.138-42
(24) Duprat, Francois. Les Movements Nationaux and Nationalistes en Allemagne. (Cahiers Europeens supplement No.132.) Le Trait.1976 pp.2, 3, 4, 23.
(25) Duprat, Francois. Les Mouvements Nationalistes an Espagne 1977. Supplement 21/22 de la Revue d’ Histoire du Fascisme.
(27) Sutton, Anthony.
National Suicide: Military Aid to the
(28) Sutton, Anthony.
Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution. (
(29) Chesterton op.cit., p.58
(30) Robertson op.cit., p.58; see also his journal Instauration, March 1977.
(32) ibid., pp.81-5
(35) Spearhead No 86. August 1975., p.13
(36) British Patriot . May 1974 p.9
(37) The B.B.C. Exposed., an anonymous pamphlet distributed by the National Front and the British Movement.
(38) A conclusion on the body of the material