The issue of ‘Race’ is possibly the major constituent element in modern British neo-fascism. Races are easily identifiable, and appear distinct from each other, while the individual customs and habits of Britain’s immigrants contrasted widely with the values of the "host society". The rapid increase in Britain’s coloured population from 74,500 in 1951 to 336,000 in 1961, certainly engendered a public reaction of racial antipathy--or "cultural shock"--towards the coloured arrivals. The more extreme reaction to the growth of a multi-racial society is shown by the riots of Notting Hill in 1958.

These times mark also the increase in support for neo-fascist groupings. The "popular" conception of ‘immigration’ (a term which became synonymous with New Commonwealth coloureds) involved passport frauds, illegal entry, importation of communicable diseases, welfare parasitism, Rachmanism, and crime. Elements of these popular prejudices exist into the present, modified and refined by changing circumstances. The racial issue, whatever the contributions of psychoanalysts, economists, sociologists, political theorists and philosophers, touches matters which are perhaps primeval, or instinctive, and is therefore non-rational in nature. Western societies are not alone in expressing racial preferences let alone superiority notions; nor are they alone with the creation of ideologies based squarely thereon. The popular prejudices as described form part of British neo-fascism’s propaganda arsenal.

For Britain’s neo-fascists, the "System’s" multi-racial policies illustrate(d) a far deeper crisis than was superficially apparent. Essentially, liberal-democratic opinions on race stem forcefully from the Second World War when the promises of democratic civilisation were extended by the ‘Allies’ to the coloured colonial peoples. Racial differences were hence viewed as ‘quantitative’, not ‘qualitative’. For British governments, both Tory and Labour, the "scuttling of Empire" became a moral imperative, and not just a result of Britain’s declining power. This "new spirit" in Britain was symbolised by the 1948 Nationality Act which opened the possibility of an "imperial-citizenship". It has been suggested that Britain’s "New Commonwealth" idea found a necessary complement in a liberal attitude towards immigration. (1) Harold Macmillan’s "winds of change" speech in 1960 was a peak in the perhaps utopian dream of a democratic multi-racial Commonwealth. By 1964, Enoch Powell reasoned the reversion of African states to dictatorship blighted the ideology. (2) Nonetheless, in 1961, the Colonial Secretary had said there was "no intention to bring immigration to a halt". The Treasury supposedly reasoned "immigration from the Commonwealth was a boon to the economy". (3)

It has also been suggested by both Left and Right than an atmosphere of "guilt" for the past imperialist grandeur swept Britain in the 1950’s such that the multi-racial idea became an "obligation". In 1971 Jordan spoke of the liberals: "their mainspring in not love, but a twisted hatred of racial identity...". (4) He asserted this ‘guilt’ found substance in the media and public education efforts to put forward liberal racial views. For the Union Movement "Independence" for the former colonies demanded the termination of Britain’s various "obligations" thereto, that Britain need not feel ashamed of the old imperialism. (5)

A racial ideology, in its varied forms, was part of the traditional fascist world-view. The emergence of racist language or ideology in contemporary Britain owes something to the past fascist creeds only in that a single world-crisis, "the rising tide of colour against white world supremacy", has been delineated by some leading theorists as the basis of twentieth century history. Coloured immigration into Western nations has been seen not only as a capitalist labour demand, but as a physical reaction on the part of "coloured humanity" to the West’s spiritual crisis, or continued self-questioning of its ethical base. (6) The support rendered to multi-racialism has been reasoned as liberalism’s final folly, the will-to-nihilism. While the assorted rationales for racism (I do not use this term with the pseudo-moral liberal tone attached to it) are themselves a study, certain broad lines in British neo-fascist racial ideology can be detected.

Firstly there are various biological theses. The UNESCO statement that human races derive from a single-source species with differentiated features caused only by environmental factors has been assailed by a plagiarisation of the works of Carleton Coon, Tim Leaky, and Charles Putman, to posit a theory of "evolutionary parallelism" in the development of human races. (7) This argument in favour of evolution from several primate-forms allows a "firm scientific" racial ideology to be postulated. The corollary follows that racial "characteristics" and traits owe much to the assorted biotypal origins of man. Such themes were reproduced in the trial of members of the ‘Racial Preservation Society’ in 1968, for offences as under the Race Relations Act. Their "scientific" case earned them acquittal for they maintained their "realist-sophisticated" stance was divorced from bigotry. (8) Such biological theories have been reproduced by the NF and the British Movement in particular, the Union Movement (as in March 1973) continuing to argue that while races were "different" there was little sense in making superior/inferior classifications. (9)

Racist ideology was "enhanced" in 1974-5 when the NF embraced the ideas of the American, Wilmot Robertson. Robertson tends to divide the European races into their sub-stocks to "discover" their respective "characters"; he does not drift into mythologies, as did the neo-nazis of the early 1960’s. (10) Because he tends towards "nordicism" he appeals somewhat to British neo-fascism. The NF has avoided rigid interpretations of these doctrines for it could lead to the "British soul" being equated with "sobriety", "traditionalism", and "conservatism", alleged values which would contradict the dynamism the NF wishes Britain to accept. Hence there remains a taste for Francis Parker Yockey, who believed certain elements of a people’s "soul" mere clothing conditioned by the "zeitgeist" of the age, values which changed with historical epoch. (11) This theory based on Oswald Spengler may influence the NF’s leadership as the occasional reference to these ideologists occurs in NF literature. ‘Race’ may be perceived on two levels, the ‘material’ and the ‘spiritual’; the possession of rigid "scientific" evidence (evolution-facts, IQ tests, physiological qualities), along with the more philosophical-political racial theories forge a potentially virile racial ideology.

A new element in neo-fascist ideology has provided itself with a moral-political justification. It involves a catastrophic portrait involving a population explosion in the Third World leading to a population-food crisis which would drain further the West’s economic energies (as could already be said to be happening), and then, as in the warning-statement of Algerian President, Boumedienne, cause a "world population shift" towards the Northern Hemisphere.(12) The declining European birth-rates unable to support Western society’s base, coupled with that "moral-political-military crisis" which is seen to be damaging Europe, would cause "collapse". Mass Third World immigration would submerge the West. This notion is 'all-round' in that it involves a stage of "racial-cultural pride" fused military-political mobilization, contrasted to a liberal multi-racial society expiring before the Third World revolution. This apocalyptic futurology may gain prominence in the Right's armoury; Britain’s immigrants may be viewed as "political enemies" prone to their own racism, which if politically forceful, would be in the Third World’s advantage. Significantly this "new racism" places the USSR in the category of a white nation similarly threatened. (13)

This racial ideology finds an opposite in the liberalism of Han Suyin who reasons, "imperialism needs and creates racism as a justification for itself..."; Suyin also contended that racism does not exist amongst and between the Third World peoples, and that the population explosion is a racist myth. (14) The "logic" of the new racism contrasts severely with this type of liberal idealism, while justifying the "need" for domestic racial discrimination and political authoritarianism.

The slow reaction of government to racist agitation in the early 1960's perhaps spurred the Right to more intense efforts; nonetheless from 1963 there was a distinct decline in the political potential of the neo-fascist parties. The Immigration Act of 1962 may have helped curb public fears of a "mass invasion", thereby decreasing the support for neo-fascist formations, while the race relations law of 1965 managed to restrict some form of agitation. The government took the ‘fascist threat’ seriously in making its race law; a Conservative MP actually reasoned the Labour Ministry believed Jordan dangerous enough to warrant proscription. (15) Interestingly, as the Greater Britain Movement was quick to point out the race relations law resulted from a promise made by Harold Wilson to coloured voters and pressure groups concerned with overt "racist politics". (16)

The Labour Government’s 1965 ‘White Paper’ on immigration clearly stated Britain to be a multi-racial society; despite the considerable community opposition to this notion, government persisted in its scheme to make Britain a model multi-racial society. It is not suprising that the Extreme-Right’s campaigns were coloured by wild disorders, based on "hysteria" as they seem to have been. The Public Order Act had failed to control the violence.

The Race Relations Act extended the Public Order Act by its clause concerning "incitement to racial hatred" which "occasions a breach of the peace". The "incitement" clause naturally could only be legally applied to British coloureds; hence there emerged a tendency in publications like Spearhead and Combat to speak of other nations’ racial problems, this always in an "impartial" style. Tyndall remarked that the necessity for a moderate language after 1965, was of assistance to his party and his "political rehabilitation". (17) In particular Tyndall muted the anti-semitic trends inside his movement, though opposition to political-Zionism was permissible. Because the public distribution of certain 'racist' materials became an offence, the fascist parties and racist groups organised "book clubs", for the "private distribution" of literature remained outside the law’s scope. Naturally the Race Relations Act has been a constant theme in the propaganda of the Right. Over the years it has been described as "marxist inspired", "undemocratic", and "part of the Fabian’s 1984 police state".(18) That the 1965 law and its subsequent amendments have failed their objectives is clear. That such laws can be pointed to as a sign of government’s alienation from the public’s sentiment has occurred.

It could be possible to argue that the Right was isolated in the years 1966-8. Considerable reshuffling of personalities and ideas have been noted. These years were also the high-point of government efforts to achieve an egalitarian multi-racial society. External factors seem to have been to the Right’s advantage, the phenomenon of "Powellism" playing into the Right's hands; Powell indicated the depth of racial feeling residual in Britain. Certainly Powell could not be considered a neo-fascist.

Powell’s "rivers of blood" speech of April 20th 1968 was a boon to the Right without parallel. That Powell had voiced "popular" conceptions of Britain’s racial problems may be indicated in the 110,000 letters of support which he received, for this address. Processions organised by the Immigration Control Association and the National Front delivered letters of support to Powell personally. Powell has spoken on further occasions, (October and November 1968, June and November 1969, January 1970, for example) reiterating his stance. The dockworkers who marched on the ‘Commons’ in Powell’s defense have since proved amenable to National Front agitation.

The mass-media was quick to point out that Powell’s ideas were dangerously available to Right agitators. (19) Jordan’s British Movement reasoned the prison sentence recently completed by its leader could now be seen as a measure employed against those who articulated the people’s will. (20) Only the Union Movement stayed sceptical of Powell. UM said Powell as responsible for much immigration, when, as Health Minister (1961-2) he allowed mass "importation" of coloured hospital staff. (21) Further, Action commented that Powellism was/is a blind alley for frustrated masses, a non-political phenomenon which did not change power realities. (22) The NF, while making political capital out of Powell’s commentary in its effort to gain political respectability, has hardened its attitude to Powell since 1970, for he failed to provide any solutions to coloured immigration. (23)

Powell has proved the potential of an appeal based on strong emotive imagery. He has said;...the propaganda machine at the Home Office lifts its voice to announce yet another fall in immigration." (24) He implicitly urges that governments be "distributed", for while the official figures for coloured residents in Britain in 1969 was 1.25 millions, Powell reckoned it at two millions. The population predictions were said to err also, for, by 1985, Powell visualised a coloured population in Britain of some four millions. That governments have falsified figures is almost certain, and this serves only to increase fascist hysteria. (25) The Guardian perhaps overstated the case to maintain that Powellism represented, "Racialism and McCarthyism...rolled into one lurid conspiracy theory...". (26) The reaction of the state to Powell, and possibly the extreme Right could be summed in two important measures: the 1971 Immigration Act, which was designed to reduce immigration to contract labour, and an urban-aid programme to improve the living standards of immigrants, such that they be integrated into British society. The once again "good fortune" came to the Right’s assistance, in the arrival of the Kenyan Asians in 1972; the government’s credibility was reduced further for, according to Powell as well as the Right, immigration on "moral" grounds could continue indefinitely. (27)

British neo-fascist literature has been and is heavily devoted to racial affairs including matters of a domestic British character. The propaganda centres on one broad theme: the threat of dispossession of the British people inside their own nation. A survey of some of the constituent themes perhaps illustrates a little of the psychology of those who seek a fascist solution to political and social complexities.

Coloured immigrants and marxist revolution has been a constant theme, to which the Left has given credence. The polyvanguardist theory of socialist revolution has brought Left organisations close to coloured communities and groups. The Black Power Movement(1966-8), The Indian Workers' Associations, The Anti-Apartheid Movement, and the Coloured People’s Association are cases in point. (28) Racists may therefore claim immigration has a "subversive" element. The BNP observed coloureds in the anti-Macmillan demonstration of 1961; the GBM paid attention to the "importation" of U.S. Negro ideals in 1966; the NF has noted the heavy volume of support given by Asians to Tariq Ali’s International Marxist Group, 1973-4. (29) The voting potential of immigrants has also been considered. For example in 1964, the majority of immigrants voted Labour leading to the claim that they were "expecting the social nirvana". (30) It is also asserted that they seek candidates suitable for their causes, and that parliamentary candidates are willing to pander to minority interests. Implicit threats of bloc-voting supposedly distorts the political process, once immigrants reach a level of political consciousness as to make demands.

The BM and the NF have also raised the issue of coloured birth-rates, and British population trends, extrapolating themes first raised by the BNP and the earlier White Defence League. Coloured birth-rates have always been well above native British rates; the survival of family structures and "old customs" amongst immigrants contributes here. The popular myth of coloured women excluding British women from hospital maternity beds was stated by Powell, as well as the Right. The decline in British fertility has been seen in part as an inability of a liberal democratic society to institute a population policy. The Right parties assert that the atomistic society with its free abortion, easy contraception methods and libertinism is responsible for the tendency towards ZPG, giving thereby more substance to the fears of ‘dispossession’. (31) The Right parties would probably concur with Powell’s statement that; "It is even heresy to assert the plain fact that the English are a white nation...". (32)

It was argued that the public support for the mild Powell ‘racism’ was merely ethnocentric in nature, that is, based on pride in British culture. (33) It is likely that such ethnocentrism is slowly being metamorphised into a racial ideology. Some neo-fascists have maintained that cultural-pride is a great enemy of "international finance capital" in its drive for world government. (34) They continue by urging that those of conservative disposition oppose the "System’s" multi-racialist policies with a consistent racism. That many have refused to take this course may explain the growth of independent anti-immigration groups from the mid-1960's and the innumerable splits from the National Front.

The universal answer of Britain’s racial-nationalists to coloured immigration has scarce varied -- repatriation, voluntary, or involuntary. The British Movement suggested a Ministry of Repatriation be established, and affirmed that repatriation is physically possible by allusions to war-time military transportation measures. (35) The National Front basically concurs and admits a considerable time period be allotted for the operation. The Union Movement, anxious to avoid a 'bigoted' image believes it was British policy which precipitated much by wrecking the West Indies sugar industry in the 1950's. (36) They urge that the government allocate vast sums to the economic redevelopment of these regions, and as grants to nations willing to settle Britain’s coloureds. Such policies first appeared in the early 1960's.

Race has become more an explosive issue in British politics since 1970 because an organised political focusing of real or imagined public grievances has been attempted by the neo-fascist parties. Preferences granted to Asians in housing has been an important issue; the UM which has devoted much attention to the state’s inability to supply housing to the public has suggested immigration as compounding the problem. (37) The arrival of the Kenyan Asians in 1972 managed to highlight several racist notions; "African racism", preferential discrimination in social-welfare, and "government duplicity" were raised as issues. Action also noted that: "Immigration has already cost the British taxpayer millions of pounds." (38)

Home Secretary Roy Jenkins’s speech of May 1974, which promised amnesty for illegal immigrants may well have contributed to some high NF polls later in that year. Importantly, the Left was not inactive either, for, realising the potential of the racist parties, it turned viciously on the Right. The wrecking of lectures by Professor Hans Eysenck, whose genetics-based intelligence theories gave rationale to racism, was viewed on par with mass actions directed against the National Front.

The potential for fascist racism may have been expanding since the late 1960’s. In 1968, National Opinion Polls found 12% of British whites totally opposed to the coloured presense. (39) Since Hitlerite anti-semitism, the "social-scapegoat" theory has been popular in the study of racism. The International Socialists were/are convinced the BM and NF have merely substituted "coloureds" for "Jews" in their propaganda. (40) The "scapegoat" idea may serve to relieve individual and social tensions in modern society. The Marxist contention that 'racism' is a capitalist device to bind the proletariat to the social order, is hackneyed.

Certainly' racist' ideas have proved popular amongst some British workers, the increasing economic disorders of the nation leading into racial prejudices; it is unlikely that the promotion of racism is to the benefit of Britain’s "bourgeoisie", even though racism transcends class loyalties.

Demonstrably, racial preferences on economic grounds contributes to the Rightt’s campaigns. The importation of labour into a society with problems of economic consumption, investment and technological change appears "irrational". Union Movement uses this argument. (41) Immigrants are alleged also to contribute to unemployment amongst whites. Those coloureds who fail to obtain work are seen as moving into violent crime. Crime figures which indicate the high rate of assault performed by West Indians are held to be partly "coloured racism", nourished by a transmuted economic demand placed on a community which is incapable of living to the immigrant’s expectations. (42)

It has been claimed that many of the Indian immigrants who arrived in the period 1959 to 1962, held Britain to be a promised land of "milk and honey". (43) The possibilty that a domestic coloured racism, directed against the troubled economic order, may develop, has been predicted by the National Front. Such a racism would increase the appeal of British nationalist parties. The children of the immigrants would be the key element in any coloured racism; this regardless of whether they use the ideology of marxism to express their demands. The ultra-Left’s organisation of immigrants, and the rising British born coloureds, threatens racial-political polarisation.

British neo-fascism's race ideology and propaganda are probably its most marketable commodities. Race is the centre of the world-view of most Right groups, (Union Movement excepted), If anything propels a 'nationalist party' to power it will be the racial question, government actions, (social, economic, legal) being to date ineffective in lessening racial tensions. A racial-nationalist ideology, espoused as a "just cause" retains for its adherents, a special morality, which can place them in Nietzsche’s sense, "beyond good and evil". Racial-nationalists can claim motivation from "love" for their kind, the desire to "defend" civilisation. This sense of mission remains an important ingredient of neo-fascism.

(1) Colour And Citizenship: A Report On British Race Relations. (Oxford University Press) London 1969. p.216

(2) ibid., p.229

(3) ibid., p.301

(4) Colin Jordan., White Power For Britain. (a print of a Wolverhampton speech 15 May 1971.(B.M. Publication) p.6

(5) see "Union Movement: Ten Points Of Policy", National European April 1965

(6) see Thunderbolt No.200 Dec 1975, an American racist paper widely distributed in Britain. The National States' Rights party is mentioned in the text. AS the publisher of Thunderbolt, it has argued this position for some time.

(7) stated in Spearhead, April 1976. "The Reality of Race--scientific evidence which substantiates inequality". Putman appeared in the Nationalist Books catalogue in 1974; Coon was mentioned in Britain First June 1973.

(8) Richard P.Longaker. "The Race Relations Act Of 1965: An Evaluation Of The Incitement Provision." in Race (Journal of the Institute of Race Relations). Volume XI N.1 July 1969. pp.129-31.

(9) Action N.148 1 March 1973 p.3

(10) Wilmot Robertson. The Dispossessed Majoriy, (Howard Allen) revised edition, paperback printing. (Cape Canaveral) 1975. pp.72-6

(11) Francis Parker Yockey Imperium. (Noontide Press), Sausalito May 1969. pp.273-91, and in Tyndall Spearhead September 1975. pp.72-6

(12) British Patriot June 1974 p.8.; recently in August 1977 Spearhead, a book by a French rightist, Jean Raspail, The Camp Of The Saints, which sets out this matter, was described as a "bible for racial nationalists."

(13) Robertson op.cit., p.460

(14) Han Suyin. Race Relations And The Third World., in Race Vol.XIII N.1 July 1971 pp.1-20., pp 8-9

(15) Andrew Roth. Enoch Powell: Tory Tribune. (Macdonald) London 1972 p.323

(16) ‘Oppose Race Act’, leaflet, date unknown.

(17) Anthony F.Dickey. "English Law And Incitement To Race Hatred", Race Vol. IX N.3 January 1968 pp.311-29., pp.320-1

(18) gleaned from assorted leaflets issued by various rightist groups.

(19) The Times. "The Jordans And Mosleyites Are Rejoicing", 24 April 1968, p10

(20) The Times 26 April 1968 p.8

(21) Action N. No.146 1 February 1973 p.2, and again No.209 15 January 1976. p.2

(22) Action No.160 15 September 1973 pp.1-2

(23) Martin Walker op.cit.p.120-1

(24) Enoch Powell. Still to Decide, (B.T.Batsford) London 1972.p.186

(25) In early 1976 Powell attacked Roy Jenkins for falsifying immigration statistics. Jenkins admitted his "error".

(26) The Guardian

(27) Action N.106 15 July 1972 p.3 and Spearhead, July 1972 p.14

(28) Peter Shipley. Revolutionaires In Modern Britain, (The Bodley Head) London 1976. pp.116, 124, 164.

(29) Combat N.11 March-April 1961.p.1; Spearhead July 1966 p.4; Britain First August 1974, p.3

(30) Colin Jordan in The National Socialist N.7 September-December 1964.p.4

(31) Action No.164 15 November 1973.p.3

(32) Powell op.cit., p.29

(33) Ankie M.M. Hoogvelt. "Ethnocentrism, Authoritarianism And Powellism". in Race Vol.XI N.1 July 1969 pp.1-12, pp.1-2

(34) Colin Jordan Britain Awake! (British Movement Publication). pp.10,16

(35) ibid., p.15 and Jordan, White Power For Britain. p.11

(36) Mosley. Mosley: Right Or Wrong. pp.115-6

(37) Action No.160 1 September 1973, p.3; suggested also by Anthony H.Richmond "Housing And Racial Attitudes In Bristol",. in Race Vol. XII No.1 July 1970 pp.49-58, p.50

(38) Action No.145 1 January 1973 p.2

(39) Colour And Citizenship. p.597

(40) see ‘The New Nazis--Organise Against Them. (Socialist Worker) 1974.; The Fight Against The Racists. (Socialist Worker) 1976

(41) Mosley in a speech, as taped by Union Movement, from 1963.

(42) British Movement leaflet 1974.

(43) Colour And Citizenship. p.54

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