The Curious Exclusion Of Anglo-Indians From Mass
During The Partition Of
By Dorothy McMenamin
The finding in this article represents one aspect
of an oral history project in progress. The purpose of the overall project is
designed, firstly, to demonstrate the diversity encompassed within the umbrella
definition ‘Anglo-Indian’; and, secondly, to record the responses of the
communities to the rapidly changing social and political environment in
The oral histories collected in this project demonstrate that the experiences and socio-economic outcomes of the communities who chose
to emigrate to
Initially, I will identify the Anglo-Indian
community, then provide details of the oral history project and discuss the
significance of the finding revealed by the project. This will be followed by an
historical outline of the increasingly violent events leading up to Partition.
Large extracts of oral history testimonies describing how Anglo-Indians were
involved yet excluded from the mass slaughter will be quoted, together with the
reasons for their leaving
Initially, members of the community were referred to as Eurasians. But by
the turn of the twentieth century, the people of mixed European and Indian
descent increasingly referred to themselves as Anglo-Indians, a term which had
originally applied to the British in
An ‘Anglo-Indian’ means a person whose father or any
of whose other male progenitors in the male line is or
was of European descent but who is domiciled within the
of parents habitually resident therein and not established
there for temporary purposes only.
Accordingly, so long as paternal descent was European (not merely British), irrespective of whether the mother was Indian, European or of mixed descent, a person born and permanently resident in India was deemed to be Anglo-Indian. Anglo-Indians were perceived as distinct from the British and local Indians. They maintained a western style of life, perpetuated by Christian religious instruction at schools and wore western rather than Indian clothes. These cultural differences distinguished Anglo-Indians from the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communities.
British rulers in
Depending upon their individual employment, the status of Anglo-Indians varied, from businessmen, army officers, senior positions as regional inspectors and auditors in the railways, post office, security, customs and telegraphs, to clerical workers in these essential services. Their rates of pay and conditions did not compare favourably with those of British Government officials, which is why Anglo-Indians have been referred to as Poor Relations and is part of the reason why the leader of the Anglo-Indian Association, Frank Anthony, entitled his book Britain’s Betrayal in India. With the implementation of the Indianization policies introduced by the British in the early 1920s, Indians became eligible for positions that had previously been the exclusive domain of Anglo-Indians, and Anglo-Indians found their ‘privileged’ status eroded and needed to find alternative employment. Some took higher education, qualifying as teachers and doctors, others emigrated, whilst many of those who stayed on appear to have suffered diminished socio-economic status because they were unable to compete with Indians who were now also eligible for the jobs.
Interviewees and Significant Finding
To date, the oral history project cohort consists
of thirty-eight interviews,
with a further twelve interviews to be completed. The first eight interviews are
taped conversations, the remainder are oral history interviews based on a
questionnaire. Thirty of the interviewees fall under the wide legal description
of an Anglo-Indian, five are British citizens who spent their youth and working
The oral history questionnaire includes sections on
each interviewee’s European and Indian heritage, parents’ occupations,
schooling, employment, further education, socio-economic position in British
India, memories of Partition, the reasons for ‘quitting India’ and migration
experiences. These primary historical sources provide information on any number
of possible research projects, such as education in
The oral histories will also provide primary
sources for historians who continue to assess the unprecedented violence
unleashed during the period of Partition. A recent upsurge in historiography on
Partition violence has canvassed various reasons for the cause of the violence
and its harmful impact inflicted upon the psyche of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims in
It could be argued that the omission of
Anglo-Indian experiences in contemporary accounts on Partition is because
Anglo-Indians were not attacked, therefore, there was no need for their
inclusion. I would suggest that this lack of attack is, in itself, a significant
finding which merits further analysis by historians because it points to an, as
yet, unrecognised empathy that existed between the Indian population and the
supporters of the former imperialist rulers. The finding that Anglo-Indians were
excluded from violence is significant for historians assessing the negative and
positive aspects of colonialism. It is well recognised that pockets of strong
regional resistance to British rule existed.
However, even at a time when law and order were perceived as ineffectual during
the mass riots and slaughter in northern
None of the thirty-eight interviewees testified knew of any specific Anglo-Indian family members or friends attacked amidst Partition violence, although not all resided in areas where the violence occurred. Extracts of thirteen oral histories of interviewees who resided in areas experiencing Partition violence are included in this paper, with comments on a further five testimonies. The remaining twenty interviews, while not included, are nevertheless significant because their silence on Partition violence confirms the exclusion of Anglo-Indians from violence.
Long extracts of individual testimonies amidst riots and violence are quoted to convey more than simply the specific incidents. The detailed descriptions demonstrate the value of oral histories which create an immediacy with the reader, hopefully evident in the extracts below.
At the risk of over-generalisation of complex
issues, a brief outline of the background to the incidents described in the oral
history extracts follows. Since the turn of the twentieth century, there were
increasing calls on all sides for the withdrawal of British rule in
Notwithstanding Gandhi’s non-violent ideals, violence constantly followed in the wake of mass rallies, usually blamed on Muslim and Hindu ruffians, ‘goondas’ (hoodlums), and others taking advantage of the conditions to settle old scores. Early attacks against British troops from 1942-46 raised fear amongst the British and Anglo-Indians because these attacks were an assault on the weakening colonial hegemony. The British Government used force to control such outbreaks, as will be shown in Bill Barlow’s testimony, but prosecution of such cases in the courts was slow and culprits were often allowed to go virtually free. This perceived lack of law and order destabilised and revealed the weakness of the British Government to both Anglo-Indians and the general public. This situation arguably provided the incentive that caused many to resort to violent means for revenge, and exploitation for material gain, during the horrendous events at the time of Partition.
The chaotic conditions led to hostility and fear
because of the latent animosity between sections of Hindus and Muslims, and in
Amongst the jubilation of Indian Independence and
Partition, the extent of the ensuing carnage and tragedy was not fully
envisaged. Even those who feared Hindu, Muslim and Sikh reprisals for earlier
violence were unprepared for the ferocity unleashed. Motives for the events vary
from region to region, and even within communities in the same region, but in
the main, violence was instigated due to fear, retaliation and financial
opportunism by individuals.
Information on communal violence was originally sparse, probably deliberately
downplayed by nationalist agendas of the time, but recently the pain of the
memories have been over-taken by the desire to record the tragedies. Published
biographical accounts detailing the horrors endured, and still painfully
remembered, depict the terrifying and sordid acts perpetrated against fellow
beings, frequently neighbours.
Statistics on the numbers
slaughtered and villages annihilated, in episodes of what essentially
constituted ethnic cleansing, are impossible to accurately determine, but it is
generally agreed that more than one million people were killed and eighteen
million displaced in the forced population movements – Muslims into
A pattern of revenge emerges, revealing a pathway
of escalating violence. Apart from sporadic outbreaks of violence between
Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs in the
The extracts below are ordered chronologically, the
first testimonies relating to the riots in central and eastern
Oral history testimonies
Bill Barlow begins within the environs of
While the riots were on,
Do you know any Anglo-Indians who were killed? No I don’t know of any who were killed. But I certainly do know one or two from school who joined the police, who were senior to me, they were on the front line and they had to do this to let the folks know that they were serious. Firing over their heads is one thing, but to shoot! So they actually did shoot under orders to keep the peace? Yes.
But you don’t know of any
incident when they were attacked? No they were never
attacked. There was an [another] incident I do remember in Kharagpur, I think it
So you had rifles, and they didn’t, they just had implements? Yes, well they had long iron bars which they had sharpened into points like spears. We drove into the middle of it and they saw us and dispersed. There were only a handful of us and there were thousands of them but this is the respect for us, the Anglo-Indians. So the whole problem stopped? Oh no. They saw us and thought, well, no point in carrying on. But in any case, they weren’t doing anything, just screaming at each other across the space, and when we got there it quietened down. And then they dispersed to their quarters.
In the evening was the problem. And, like I said, we had this old bus and some of us got off and stayed in the market square, and the rest stayed on the bus and of course they kept going round giving the impression that there was more than one truck. But it was just one damn truck. But the evening was the worst. At one end of the street there was the Hindu temple and you went along the street for 200 yards, and on the other side was a [Muslim] mosque, and they were actually facing each other. We were to patrol in between the mosque and the temple, and it was all right, they never bothered with us, but they were taking pot shots at each other over us. The funny part of it was, we would be marching up and down this street and we would get to the mosque and the fellows in the mosque would say, “Sahib, come into the mosque and have something to eat.” And they would give us kedgeree and we’d have a damn good feed there, then march back and get to the temple and they would say, “Sahib, come and have some meethai (sweets)” so we would have our dessert at the temple. And that is how much they were interested in us, they were not interested in us.
As amusing as this incident appears, it was
associated with the violent riots besetting
Prior to Partition I can remember a lot of riots
and trouble. Is this a year before, or a
few weeks prior? I am not
sure, could have been a couple of years before Partition actually took place.
There was a lot of antagonism towards the British by the Indians because they
Did you hear of anyone who was
attacked? I think there was. Was it the British being attacked? Yes, British people. At that time a
lot of Europeans left
Daphne’s view that many Europeans left
Daphne Stemmers continues with her experiences in
At Partition it [the violence] was mainly between
Indian against Indian. The Muslims against the Hindus. What you are saying is that before the
Government had agreed to quit
Do you know of any British or Anglo-Indians who were killed? I think there were instances but I can’t really remember, we were still at school. But I am sure some Anglo-Indians were caught in the cross fire. But you don’t know any friends or family who were attacked? No. See any violence on the streets? You would see a lot on the streets, people with sticks beating, then the Police would be out. No bodies? Yes, there would be bodies lying.
Was there a curfew? Yes there was a curfew from about onwards. You would have to have a pass that you would have to show to get through. My father had to do shift work with the customs and he would have to show his pass. How long did the curfew last? Weeks, months? I don’t really know, Dorothy, it varied according to the time of the violence. When the violence quietened down or started up again.
Bill Barlow recalls visiting
We hopped on the train,
So when you left you
never suspected there would be any problems?
No, not at
all. We just thought it would be like any other day except for celebrations.
Anyway, we got off the train, walked to the end of the platform. The platform
was raised from the road and we had to go down steps to get to the road. From
the top of the platform you could see (below), there was a wall either side of
the road, and over the walls you could see the (
We had to walk home so we
walked over the
Both men and
Mostly men. Thrown into the big dustbins
which they had in
Cecil Anderson completed his medical training in
They attacked each other, Muslims and Hindus, right in front of us, but they never touched us. […]We used to go out and see them on the street, dead. Yes, Muslims and Hindus. How long did that last? Several months. I must say they left us alone.
What becomes evident is that not all the
interviewees feared for their safety as the violence escalated across northern
MacLeod was living in
There was a Muslim mosque up on a little hill not
far from our bungalow, about half a mile away. We were in the district of Suri,
We saw the procession and the chanting[…]but
luckily the Muslims had heard about this and they’d gone up and defended it (the
mosque). So they actually did not get together. The Hindus turned around and
came back. […]And the terrible thing was that the newspaper, The Times of India in
[[…]]there was the curfew and we were not allowed
to leave our bungalows after six at night[…]but all the European staff had to
man the petrol tankers[…]to deliver the petrol and oil because the drivers
wouldn’t. A Muslim driver would not go to deliver anywhere in
George Henderson’s encounter with Partition
violence around the famous city of
One Thursday, aged about thirteen,
I was going with my bearer to buy some magazines at a bookstore on Tundla
Junction platform, not far from
George did not know any more details about the
incident because he was rushed home. Another time, upon returning from the
movies, he and his father were approaching
It was in the
During the March riots in the north-western
provinces, Esmee Cloy, at the nearby hill station of Murree, saw whole villages
in flames and determined to leave as soon as possible after
The massacres in the
Dick Cox, whose father was the North-Western Railways District Commercial Officer, recalls:
My father was in
What about the ordinary people trying to flood across? The ordinary people were put on trains, there were massacres on the trains, and lots and lots of people were killed. Did you hear any stories about the Anglo-Indians who were train drivers or guards on those trains? Not really. All I got was from my father, what he told me. He would have known about it. He would have known quite a bit. Like people who have gone through traumatic experiences, I don’t think they like talking about them too much.
Ken Blunt, a sergeant in the railway police in
We used to have a compartment reserved for the
police force and I used to move around[…] One day I was with an escort going
Dick and Gene Leckey were on their way to boarding school in Murree with their father, a train driver, when their train was held up. Dick recalls:
Dad must have been aware of the
troubles, but he was such a type of man that it didn’t matter. If we had to go
to school it didn’t matter that there was a bloody war on, we still went to
school. As we got towards
My dad looked out of the window, then he
quickly shut the windows, pulled the shutters down and told us to get down on
the floor under the sleeping bunks. We went through and there was a hell of a
lot of shooting, noise, yelling and screaming and thuds against the sides of the
carriages. As far as Gene and myself were concerned this was great. Hey, did you
hear that one, and all. We were only kids, eight and ten roughly. All of a
sudden everything stopped and dad opened the window and we had gone through.
Looking back, we stuck our heads out and the whole section was on fire.
Gene and myself were very excited. Being
young, although you were a bit frightened, you didn’t realise it all and we were
excited. Your sisters were with you? Yes, our sisters were with us. Then
we pulled up at
Birch was about thirteen living in
So how many trains do you think were
attacked? Every train, during that period, every
train that went and brought Indians from
Was everybody killed apart from him? The train driver and the guards were okay, but all the passengers, whoever[…] I don’t know how they identified them, I suppose they realised they were Hindus, they just took them out and killed them. So the Muslims were not attacked? No. The Christians, they wouldn’t attack. So therefore not everyone was killed necessarily. Not necessarily. As long as they thought they were Hindus, didn’t matter if they were children or[…] Didn’t matter, they just killed them. And it happened the other way as well.
Your dad used to go to work every day during this
period? Yes, he was
away for a week. And how many
trains? Well he had one
train that he had to take from
So they didn’t use guns? No, just knives and sticks. I can remember the blimming barbed wire wrapped on the end of the sticks. It’s an awful question, but what happened with the state of the trains? No, they took them out. So there wasn’t a mess in the trains? They stopped the trains, got them all out and then just killed them. Because one or two experiences…related to seeing a train, peeping inside and seeing bodies. My father said they just took them all out of the train and just left them by the side of the train, killed them. Looted them, got all the jewellery off them, and whatever valuables they were carrying they took.
So why do you think they left the Anglo-Indian drivers and Anglo-Indians? I think they felt it was because it was nothing to do with them, it wasn’t their country. But the Anglo-Indians had even better jobs. Yes you would think they would. They never went into any churches, to do any damage. Did your father ever think he was going to be attacked? Whenever the train was stopped, he thought, ‘Oh, this is it.’ But no, they just left him. And his own workmen with him? Yes they left the workman because they knew they had to move the trains. And the guards were okay. But everybody else who was Hindu, or the other way around, Muslim, they just took them.
And how did the control come in? I think the railways felt [it was time]. I can remember my father saying that the railway would either stop all the trains, so there would be no more trains, or they would have to get army protection. Because you know, the drivers couldn’t handle this any more, this killing, they just couldn’t. Then although the trains were loaded with guards, and I think that eased it a bit, but there was still people being killed. Waiting on the platforms, they would come up and kill them. Even when the train arrived. So they had to get guards or military on the stations as well.
So where you were living, what were the riots around that you say you saw? Where we were living [Westridge cantonment], there was nothing [no violence] there, but you could see the city. You mean ’Pindi? Yes, see the city burning, for hours, just out of control[…] We were able to get onto the roof of the house because it was all flat roofs. And after the Partition we could look and see the smoke coming from the city, where they were just burning anything that belonged to the Indians [Hindus and Sikhs] they just burnt it.
Brian said the trains were stopped by logs placed across the tracks, and when the killing was over, the attackers would remove the logs to allow the train to continue. The bizarre and idiosyncratic stories on Partition by Saadat Hasan Manto include a description, reminiscent of Bill Barlow’s experience in Kharagpur, about the friendliness of Muslims and Hindus towards him whilst they shot at each other. Manto writes:
Rioters brought the running train to a halt. People belonging to the other community were pulled out and slaughtered with swords and bullets. The remaining passengers were treated to halwa, fruits and milk.
The incongruity of Partition violence is
exemplified by this excerpt, and is evident in the testimonies provided in my
oral history project. The trauma and helplessness of Brian’s father led him to
ask for a transfer to
Following Indian Independence, another interviewee,
Connie Grindall, moved from
Mendonça lived in
I saw very little of it. I was kept at home during that time, my Dad made sure. But I remember my [elder] brothers talked about seeing people being just[…] Did the violence occur during the day? Day or night, anytime. In fact there were groups of Muslims going out finding Hindus, even though they were neighbours, just attacking them. Some of them helped some of them to escape, but others joined in the fray for fear or what…I don’t know. I remember the priests in church telling us to remember to carry a prayer book or a rosary to let them know that we weren’t Hindus. And I know of people who were stopped and were saved by the fact that they said “No, I am a Christian.” And they actually made them recite from the prayer book and then they wouldn’t be killed. So they didn’t attack the Christians? No they didn’t. I can’t recall any of them being attacked.
fact that during this period Anglo-Indians and Christians, even Indian
Christians, were not attacked is ironic, because recent press reports indicate
that in independent
Living conditions in
Migration and Quitting
The participants in this research were obviously enormously affected by the violence they witnessed and/or heard about during the period of the Quit India campaigns and Partition. Bewildered by the incomprehensible violence of Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs against each other, who had only months before lived relatively peacefully together as neighbours, they were also haunted by the spectre that circumstances might arise in which Anglo-Indians could in turn become victims of such sudden and devastating violence. The partisan involvement of Hindu and Muslim law enforcement agencies, such as that described by Ken Blunt, did not encourage them to feel adequately protected or secure, if circumstances creating serious antipathy arose. Emigration emerged as the favoured option to eliminate any risk.
Nevertheless, it is curious that less than half of
the interviewees considered leaving
The main reason the interviewees left was because
they felt native Indians, rather than Anglo-Indians, would in future receive
preferential treatment for job opportunities and promotions. This appears more
Noelyne Graham, who lived in central
My father was in the police. He
was RI, Reserve Inspector, in the police lines[…]in Allahabad District. It was a
reasonably good position[…].Then of course the Raj left. It was over. It was
Indians in those positions[…]. He was demoted to a small district[…]. he was
very bitter about that of course[…]. from
These conditions induced Noelyne’s parents to
consider emigration soon after
The Indian said you will have to take your place with the Indians. If you wanted a job you didn’t get it unless you were better qualified than the Indian who applied for it. A lot of them [Anglo-Indians] weren’t. They couldn’t stay on. As I said we hadn’t mixed enough.
Unbeknown to each other at the
time, Cecil and Norman both chose
Despite Anglo-Indians having been
born and bred in
The salient contribution in this paper, that Anglo-Indians were exempt from the horrific violence surrounding them during the period of Partition, raises the question: why were they exempt? An immediate answer is found in Bill Barlow’s testimony, describing the overt friendliness towards his patrol sent to control and prevent armed Hindus and Muslims from attacking each other, to the extent that the patrol was offered food by each of the opposing camps. The patrol obviously did not represent ‘the enemy’ to Hindus and Muslims, despite local support to rid India of British rule. This research indicates that although Indians perceived Anglo-Indians as the privileged, and, perhaps, somewhat resented them as ‘lackeys’ of the British, nevertheless the level of goodwill towards Anglo-Indians was such that it exempted them from becoming targets of attack.
The testimonies of Brian Birch and Beryl MacLeod
demonstrate that Anglo-Indian train and petrol-tanker drivers were employed to
keep essential services open because they would not be attacked, pointing to a
recognised lack of animosity. Such an amiable relationship is supported by the
fact that the main exodus of Anglo-Indians from
An insightful review of Partition violence and its literature, by Jason Francisco, points out that the recent resurgence of literary interest in Partition and all its ugliness would perhaps go ‘some distance in sussing out the psychology of the upheaval’ in the hope that ‘a just remembrance’ would mandate a better future. It is suggested that the finding in this paper offers a new aspect to attaining a ‘just remembrance’ within Partition narratives. The outgoing British imposed Partition upon the Indian sub-continent, yet the atrocities committed and attributed to their Partition of India did not include violent acts against the British, reflecting a low level of antipathy, even friendship, towards the British and their supporting Anglo-Indian communities. This curious exclusion offers fresh insights into colonial and local relationships in one of the many hybrid communities that evolved during the former colonial world.
LIST OF REFERENCES
Primary and archival sources:
Randolf Private papers filed at McMillan
The Report of the Indian Statutory Commission, Vol. I, Simon Report, 1930.
Barlow, W. A. (Bill)
Interview 21 February 2001,
Barnett, N. T.
Birch, B. K. (Brian)
Blunt, K. (Ken) Recorded
private telephone conversation
Cloy, E. M. (Esmee)
Cox, R. A. (Dick)
Interview 24 May 2001,
Evans, Christene Private conversation
Flack, J. E. (Joan)
Interviews 29 May and
Graham, Noelyne Interview
Grindall, C. R. (Connie)
Henderson, George Conversation 16.7.03. Oral history incomplete.
Leckey, R. E. (Dick)
Interview 18 May 2001,
MacLeod, B. A. (Beryl)
Interview 24 April 2001,
Mendonça, A. J. K. (Tony)
Interview 26 April 2001,
Pugh-Stemmer, D. A.
(Daphne) Interviews 15 and 25 May 2001,
Abel, Evelyn The Anglo-Indian Community: Survival in
‘August Anarchy: The Partition massacres in
Britain’s Betrayal in
Bhalla, Alok ‘Objectifying troubling memories: An interview with Bhisham Sahni’ in Mushirul Hasan, (ed.) Inventing Boundaries: Gender Politics and the Partition of India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000, pp. 338-350.
Caplan, Lionel Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a post-colonial world Oxford, Berg Publishers Ltd., 2001.
Caplan, Lionel ‘Cupid in Colonial and Post-Colonial South India: Changing “Marriage” Practices among Anglo-Indians in Madras’ in South Asia Vol. XXI, No.2, 1998, pp. 1-27.
Francisco, Jason ‘In the heat of fratricide: The literature of India’s Partition burning freshly (A review article)’ in Mushirul Hasan (ed.) Inventing Boundaries: Gender Politics and the Partition of India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000, pp. 371-393.
Liberty or Death:
Gabb, Alfred D. F. 1600-1947 Anglo-Indian Legacy,
Gilbert, Adrian ‘The Anglo-Indians in Australia from unsuccessful caste members to attaining migrants’ Monash University, Melbourne, Australia, 1996. Ph.D. dissertation at
(ed.) Inventing Boundaries: Gender
Politics and the Partition of
Hawes, Christopher Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian
Stephen ‘Quit India in
The Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim
League and the Demand for
Gyansh ‘The demographic upheaval of Partition: Refugees and agricultural
Low, D. A
McMenamin, Dorothy ‘Identifying Domiciled Europeans in Colonial India: Poor whites or privileged community?’ in New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.3, No.1. June 2001, pp. 106-127.
Dorothy ‘Questioning the stereotype: Anglo-Indian communities in
J. ‘The Chief Sufferers: Abduction of women during the Partition of the
Hasan ‘Black Margins’ in Mushirul Hasan (ed.) Inventing Boundaries: Gender Politics and
the Partition of
Rahman, Mahbubar and Willem van Schendel ‘I am NOT a refugee: Rethinking Partition migration’ in Modern Asian Studies, 37, 3, 2003, pp. 551-584.
‘Freedom’ in Granta 57:
Talbot, Ian ‘Literature and the human drama of the 1947 Partition’ in South Asia Vol. XVIII, 1995, pp. 37-56.
Younger, Coralie Anglo-Indians: Neglected Children of the Raj Delhi, B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1983.
 Recent works include Christopher Hawes Poor Relations: The Making of a Eurasian Community in British India 1773-1833, Surrey, Curzon Press, 1996; Alfred D. F. Gabb, 1600-1947 Anglo-Indian Legacy, Overton, York, 2000, Evelyn Abel The Anglo-Indian Community: Survival in India, Delhi, Chankya Publications, 1988; Lionel Caplan Children of Colonialism: Anglo-Indians in a post-colonial world Oxford, Berg Publishers Ltd., 2001 and ‘Cupid in Colonial and Post-Colonial South India: Changing “Marriage” Practices among Anglo-Indians in Madras’ in South Asia Vol. XXI, No.2, 1998; Coralie Younger Anglo-Indians: Neglected Children of the Raj Delhi, B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1983; Adrian Gilbert ‘The Anglo-Indians in Australia from unsuccessful caste members to attaining migrants’ Ph.D. dissertation Monash University, Melbourne, Australia, 1996 at www.alphalink.com.au/~agilbert/thesis and Laura Roychowdhury The Jadu House: Travels in Anglo-India London, Blackswan, 2001 .
 As set out in the Government of India Act 1935, Article 366(2).
 Earlier works by the author expound the wide implications of this
umbrella term. See Dorothy
McMenamin ‘Identifying Domiciled Europeans in Colonial India: Poor whites or
privileged community?’ in New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies, Vol.3,
No.1. June 2001, pp. 106-127, and
in ‘Questioning the stereotype: Anglo-Indian communities in
 The Report of the Indian Statutory Commission, Vol. I, Simon Report, 1930, p. 401 states that in 1878 these services were entirely staffed by the community later legally defined as Anglo-Indians.
 Government of
 Christopher Hawes Poor Relations: The Making of a
Eurasian Community in
 Frank Anthony Britain’s Betrayal in
 McMenamin ‘Domiciled Europeans’, Caplan ‘Cupid’ p. 2, Abel, p. 6 and Younger p. 40.
 The oral histories filed at the Alexander Turnbull Library were
conducted with the assistance of an Award, gratefully, received from the
Australian Sesquicentennial Gift Trust.
The oral histories are those of Bill Barlow, Norman Barnett, Dick Cox,
Jeanne Dever, Bob Hanson, Renee Hart, Neale Hewett, Dick Leckey, Tony Mendonça,
Beryl MacLeod and Daphne Pugh-Stemmer.
The remaining interviews and oral histories are, or will be, filed at the
McMillan Brown Library,
 Some of the major recent academic works are Mushirul Hasan (ed.)
Inventing Boundaries: Gender Politics and the Partition of India, Oxford
 Examples of such resistance can be found in Stephen Henningham ‘Quit
 D. A. Low ‘Digging Deeper:
 Vinita Damodaran “
 Damodaran pp. 158 and 160.
 Such episodes are detailed by Andrew J. Major ‘The Chief Sufferers: Abduction of women during the
partition of the
 Ayesha Jalal The
Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for
 Low, pp. 5-9.
 An example of such accounts is Alok Bhalla ‘Objectifying troubling memories: An interview with Bhisham Sahni’ in Inventing Boundaries pp. 338-350.
 Gyansh Kudaisya ‘The demographic upheaval of partition: Refugees and
agricultural resettlement in
 Damodaran pp. 169-172.
 French, p. 252 and testimonies in this oral history project.
 Damodaran pp. 169-170.
 Swarna Aiyar ‘ “August Anarchy”: The partition massacres in Punjab, 1947’ in South Asia, Vol.XVIII, Special Issue, 1995, p. 14.
 Mahbubar Rahman and Willem van Schendel ‘I am NOT a refugee: Rethinking partition migration’ in Modern Asian Studies, 37, 3, 2003, pp. 551-584.
 Aiyar, p. 25.
 Bill Barlow, Interview 21.2.2001, Transcript pp.18-19.
 Daphne Pugh-Stemmer, Interview 15/25.5.2001, Transcript p. 19.
 Joan Flack’s life story is discussed in detail in my article ‘Identifying Domiciled Europeans in Colonial India’ pp. 112-26.
 Joan Flack, Interview 29.5.1997 and 11.6.1997, Transcript 2: p.2.
 This incident is reported by Damodaran p. 157.
 Daphne, pp. 19-20.
 Barlow, p. 17.
 Cecil Anderson, Interview 12.11.2001, Transcript p. 17.
 Beryl MacLeod, Interview 24.4.2001, Transcript pp. 9-10.
 Instances of such brutal attacks are given by Ian Talbot in ‘Literature and the human drama of the 1947 partition’ in South Asia Vol. XVIII, 1995, pp. 41-47 and also Major pp. 57-63.
 George Henderson, Conversation, oral history to be recorded.
 Tommy Walker, Interview 10.12.1996, Transcript p. 4.
 Private papers of Randolf Holmes filed at the Macmillan Brown
 Esmee Cloy, Interview 17.6.1997, Transcript p. 6.
 Betty Doyle, Interview 5/25.5.1997, Transcript pp. 30-31. See details of Esmee Cloy and Betty Doyle’s experiences in McMenamin ‘Domiciled Europeans’ pp. 111 and 124-6.
 See cynical oral history snapshots by Sanjeev Saith ‘Freedom’ in
Granta 57: India The Golden Jubilee,
 Dick Cox, Interview 24.5.2001, Transcript pp. 10-11.
 Ken Blunt, Telephone conversation 14.11.1996, Transcript pp. 5-6.
 Dick Leckey, Interview 18.5.2001, Transcript pp. 14-15.
 Aiyar’s research points out the predicament on these special refugee trains pp. 24-26.
 Brian Birch, Interview 2.8.2003, Transcript pp. 4-6.
 Swarna Aiyar confirms that trains were stopped by means such as trees placed on tracks, see p. 23.
 Saadat Hasan Manto ‘Black Margins’ in Mushirul Hasan (ed.) Inventing Boundaries: p. 295.
 Connie Grindall, Interview 13.11.2001, Transcript p. 2.
 Tony Mendonça, Interview 26.4.2001, Transcript p. 29.
 Noelene Graham, Interview 11.8.2003, Transcript p. 5.